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The Bush administration argues that in a time of war, the president has the virtual and unencumbered right to wage that war as he sees fit, without Congress or the courts getting in his way.
And last summer, to the delight of Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, a Federal Appeals Court ruling on the Hamdan case agreed with that argument. ..."It vindicates the president's determination to treat suspected terrorists humanely but not to grant them the protections of the Geneva conventions as a matter of right," Rumsfeld said after that decision came down.
...The U.S. Supreme Court's ruling in the Hamdan case, expected this summer, will be one of the most important of the Bush presidency. It will either confirm the president's expansive view of his own authority, or trim it back and rein it in.
Jaryn: I'm no legal expert, but it seems to me that without a declaration of war, any question of 'wartime powers' is moot.
Authorization for Use of Military Force
September 18, 2001
Public Law 107-40 [S. J. RES. 23]
107th CONGRESS
news.findlaw.com...
AUTHORIZATION FOR USE OF MILITARY
FORCE AGAINST IRAQ RESOLUTION OF 2002
www.c-span.org...
Jaryn
One question that I would like to see come up as a side-effect of this would be: since there has never been a formal declaration of war (at least to my knowledge, please correct me if I'm wrong), how can the president have any 'wartime powers'?
Analysis: Hard day for government in Hamdan case
...it appeared that there would be at least three ways that a majority could be formed to find the "military commissions" to be flawed: first, those tribunals would be using procedures that would violate federal laws, the Constitution, or an international treaty; second, a variation of the the first, the "commission" system was not set up properly in the first place, or, third, they can only try crimes that definitely are recognized under the international laws of war and that does not include the most common charge brought so far -- terrorism conspiracy. There was little exploration of an ultimate argument against the "commission" setup: the claim that the President had no power to create them on his own, without specific authorization from Congress.
With only eight Justices participating (Chief Justice John G. Roberts, Jr., is recused), it appeared that Justice Anthony M. Kenney might well emerge as holding the decisive vote. In a variety of ways, Kennedy seemed trouble about the legitmacy of the tribunals as presently arranged. Most of his questions seemed aimed at locating the specific deficiencies that might be found in their functioning. At one point, he suggested openly to the detainees' lawyer, Georgetown law professor Neal Katyal, that the Court might well "think there is merit" in his argument that the tribunals were not "properly constituted." In that event, Kennedy suggested, the Court would not have to get into the complex question of what kind of charges were within the tribunals' authority to try.
There were a number of comments or questions indicating that the detainees may well be able to draw the votes of Justices Breyer, Souter, Ruth Bader Ginsburg and John Paul Stevens. There was no doubt whatsoever that Justice Scalia (whose recusal had been suggested by some amici, troubled over public statements he made about detainees' rights) would line up definitely on the side of the "commissions" in their present form. Justice Samuel A. Alito, Jr., through a few questions, seemed to be sending a message that he was inclined to allow the "commissions" to go forward with trials, leaving any challenges until after convictions, if any, emerged. Justice Clarence Thomas said nothing, but he has been, in the past, the Court's most fervent supporter of presidential wartime powers.
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The overall tone of the hearings seemed significantly in favor of the challenge to the new tribunals.
From the Court's Docket: Hamdan v. Rumsfeld
...
Hamdan has had the cards stacked against him every step of the way from Afghanistan to the Supreme Court: from his capture by the Northern Alliance, who sold him for a bounty to the Americans, to the President’s executive order subjecting him to trial by before a military commission with rules defined by the Executive alone. From the Defense Department’s shifting policies and rules about Guantanamo to the commission’s decision to kick him out of part of his own criminal trial. And if that weren’t enough, we’ve recently seen some members of Congress try to pull his case off of the Supreme Court’s docket. It has been a difficult road, to be sure.
Yet, today I, as his lawyer, will walk into the nation’s highest court and plead his case to a panel of impartial, independent jurists. This is why my parents came to America—because we don’t sacrifice justice simply because we are scared. We allow a Yemeni with a fourth-grade education accused of conspiracy to plead his case to the highest court against the most powerful individual on earth. This is why we are the greatest nation the world has ever known.
Second, a word about the role of international law in the case. It has been memorably said that the problem with using foreign law is that it’s like looking out over a crowd to pick out your friends. I share this general skepticism of foreign law, and that has led some to wonder how I could be arguing that Hamdan is protected by supposedly vague international treaties like the Geneva Conventions. The odd thing about the Hamdan case is that the prosecution, not the defendant, is invoking international law first. Military commissions can only try violations of international law, so the typical claim that international law has no place in our legal system can not apply without undoing the prosecution itself.
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Originally posted by loam
This is an excellent account of what went on today:
This is perhaps the most telling comment:
The overall tone of the hearings seemed significantly in favor of the challenge to the new tribunals.
Most of the eight US Supreme Court justices hearing oral arguments Tuesday in Hamdan v. Rumsfeld appeared skeptical of the Bush administration's contention that special military tribunals established by the President not adhering to either standard US military procedure or the Geneva Convention can be used to prosecute suspected terrorists as war criminals.
Jurist.
A Bush administration lawyer ran into sharp and skeptical questions from the Supreme Court today in defending the president's order to use specially arranged military tribunals for suspected war criminals.
Most of the justices said they were inclined to rule against the administration's claim that the president — on his own — can set up military trials that do not follow the rules of either the U.S. military or the Geneva Convention.
Only Justices Antonin Scalia and Samuel A. Alito Jr. spoke up in defense of the government's argument.
La Times.
The Supreme Court sharply questioned plans for military trials for foreigners held at Guantanamo Bay, in a historic argument Tuesday over President Bush's wartime powers.
Several justices seemed deeply concerned that the government had gone too far in its plans to hold a special trial for Osama bin Laden's former driver on a conspiracy charge.
Some were downright indignant over the Bush administration's claim that a new federal law bars the high court from ruling in the case of Salim Ahmed Hamdan.
Forbes.
Originally posted by GradyPhilpott
...You cannot predict with routine accuracy what a judge or jury will find based on anything that happens during a trial or a hearing...
I, therefore, suggest that everyone just wait until the court rules.