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President Barack Obama wants his 2012 re-election campaign to focus on Gov. Mitt Romney’s private-sector record, but his own private-sector history shows that he promoted and profited from the nation’s disastrous real-estate bubble. One striking example comes from the president’s 1995 housing-discrimination class action lawsuit: It provided him with legal fees, greased his political donations and boosted his role in Chicago politics.
By 2012, the average home equity in Chicago’s African-American neighborhoods had shriveled to $6,800, according to a March report from the Woodstock Institute, a liberal Chicago housing advocacy group. The average equity in homes in the city’s white neighborhoods is $108,000.
Fully 44 percent of homes in Chicago are underwater, compared to a national average of 31 percent, according to a Zillow-generated map.
The zip code located five blocks south of Obama’s house at 5046 S. Greenwood Avenue has an underwater-mortgage rate of 56 percent, slightly above Detroit’s famously depressed 55 percent rate. Zillow’s map shows that the wealthier neighborhood just four blocks north of Obama’s has an even more stunning rate of underwater mortgages — 72 percent – one percentage point above that of worst-in-the-nation Las Vegas.
n Buycks-Roberson’s inland neighborhood, 57 percent of homes are underwater.
Reporters have aggressively sought more information from Romney about his business record, but there is no sign that a single reporter has ever asked Obama about his role in Chicago’s housing disaster.
The closest Obama has ever come to admitting his role in the scandal came in a September 2007 speech to a Wall Street audience.
“Subprime lending started off as a good idea: helping Americans buy homes who couldn’t previously afford to,” he said.
But “as certain lenders and brokers began to see how much money could be made,” he said, “they began to lower their standards. … Most everyone knew that some of these deals were just too good to be true, but all that money flowing in made it tempting to look the other way and ignore the unscrupulous practice of some bad actors.”
The lawsuit had its beginning in 1994 when Fay Clayton, a progressive, Democratic-aligned lawyer, claimed that Citibank Federal Savings had discriminated against Chicago resident Selma Buycks-Roberson.
In 1995, Clayton merged her legal action with a second lawsuit filed by another progressive lawyer, Judson Miner, a founding partner in the firm now known as Miner, Barnhill & Gallard.
Obama had joined Miner’s firm in 1993 because it pursued civil-rights litigation and represented progressive non-profit political groups, Miner told The Daily Caller.
“We combined two things he was interested in,” said Miner, a former chief of staff for Harold Washington, Chicago’s first African-American mayor.
Obama volunteered to work on the Buycks-Roberson lawsuit, and was named in a court docket as Miner’s lead lawyer for Buycks-Roberson and two other plaintiffs. “We all represented all of them,” Clayton told TheDC, when asked if Obama deserved credit for the case’s settlement.
Obama volunteered for several other political lawsuits, including three filed on behalf of the controversial ACORN community organizing group. He also defended landlords from tenants in two cases, according to a 2008 article in the Los Angeles Times. Obama was elected in 1996 to the part-time job of state senator, but stayed at the firm until 2004, Miner said. The firm paid him by the hour or compensated him according to a set fee schedule.
The Buycks-Roberson lawsuit was just one small part of national campaign by progressives to force banks to increase their lending in poor African-Americans neighborhoods. Chicago was an early battleground in that campaign because it had an influential community of progressive lawyers, community organizers, developers and politicians working on housing issues.
This community had emerged from the urban wreckage caused by 1970s federal housing regulations, which rewarded real-estate “blockbusting” practices that encouraged white, affluent homeowners to sell their properties at a loss after poor people of color bought homes in middle-class neighborhoods.
Whenever poor buyers defaulted, average home prices declined — spurring additional purchases by low-income buyers.
Chicago activists believed more federal regulation would cure the blockbusting problem by boosting lending to African-Americans within so-called “redlines” drawn — often literally – on maps around poor African-American neighborhoods. A redlined city district was one where banks had made a categorical decision not to invest.
The Buycks-Roberson settlement was a jackpot for Obama and his political allies.
“When you follow the civil-rights law, it makes the pie bigger for everyone,” Clayton told TheDC.
The deal provided $360,000 to a few hundred African-American plaintiffs who got payouts ranging from $770 to $3,250 each, plus a promise of Citigroup’s help when seeking new mortgages. Buycks-Roberson and two other lead plaintiffs got an extra $20,000 each.
The law firms split $950,000.
Obama worked 138 hours on the case and billed a fee of $23,000, at $166.67 per hour, according to a December 2007 Chicago Sun-Times article. His salary as a part-time senator was roughly $60,000 in 1998.
But Obama got much more from the lawsuit than just a paycheck. City records show that he got a share of his legal colleagues’ earnings via their Illinois political donations.
From 1995 to 1997, he had received $3,250 from colleagues at Miner’s law office. In 1999 and 2000, he took in another $12,300 from his colleagues for his successful state race and his unsuccessful race for a federal House seat.
By Chicago campaign standards, that was a lot of cash. In his two 2000 state reports, Obama claimed $2,150 and $0 in donations from individuals. In total, he raised $471,932 for his three state races, mostly from unions, trade associations and companies.
By the time of Obama’s 2004 U.S. Senate race, Miner and his wife had donated roughly $22,000 to Obama, according to online campaign finance records. For that federal race, the firm’s other lawyers added $21,000, and Clayton contributed $1,500. Clayton also hosted a December 3, 2003 fundraiser for Obama. He received $17,500 from 20 Chicago donors that day, according to Federal Election Commission reports.
“We got to know the fair-housing groups … [and Obama] developed some respect among the people who believe in housing and civil rights,” Clayton said. “That’s why he joined [Miner’s] firm, from what I understand.”
Obama was invited to give an agenda-setting speech at a 1996 meeting of city officials and progressive housing activists. The 1996 Futures Forum “really brought together all of the key stakeholders across the city,” said Joel Bookman, director of programs for a critical foundation-funded group, Local Initiatives Support Corporation (LISC) Chicago.
Obama was invited to speak because people were saying he “is really bright, he’s really thoughtful [and] he’s done some work as an attorney in these communities,” Bookman told TheDC.
Between 1998 and 2007 Citigroup doubled its stock-market value to $900 billion. In turn, Citigroup executives shared their earnings with their government partners.
In 2007 and 2008, Citigroup gave Obama $736,771 for his presidential race, according to data collected by the Center for Responsive Politics.
Obama got $126,349 from the two huge taxpayer-backed mortgage traders, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, between 1989 and 2004. Only Democratic Connecticut Sen. Chris Dodd, who chaired the powerful Senate banking committee, got more cash from the two subprime lending giants.
Once in the Senate himself, Obama joined with Dodd to block a 2005 bill that would have curbed Fannie Mae’s funding of the high-risk mortgage bubble. By 2005, nearly 20 percent of new U.S. mortgages were subprime loans.
The banks also spread the money around to progressives in Chicago and other Democratic-run cities.
In addition to the $115 billion in anti-redlining loan investment it promised in order to win regulators’ approval for its 1998 Travelers merger, Citigroup offered at least one more incentive to progressives. The mega-bank announced in August 1999 that it had picked one of Bookman’s LISC Chicago executives to distribute $6 billion in loans and aid to housing organizations and community groups.
The new chief, Andrew Ditton, had worked at LISC Chicago for 13 years and ran his own Chicago-based operation in 1997 and 1998. And he was well known to Citigroup.
The company directly “provided $900 million in investments, loans and grants to LISC over the past 20 years,” according to a May 2010 video appearing on one Citigroup website.
n 1999, minorities got “9% of all of Citigroup’s 1999 mortgage-related lending,” according to Citigroup’s post-merger report, “Diversity at Citigroup.” In 1998, the report noted, “all bank and bank affiliated lenders disbursed 4% of their total mortgage lending to these borrowers.”
The report also said Citigroup boosted mortgages to Hispanics from 3,000 in 1997 to nearly 24,000 in 1999.
“In the Chicago area, foreclosure starts rose 238 percent from 1995 to 2002 … [and] neighborhoods with 90 per cent or greater minority populations experienced an increase of 544 percent,” according to housing experts Dan Immergluck and Geoff Smith, writing in the November 2006 issues of Housing Studies.
Those minority neighborhoods “accounted for 40 percent of the 1995-2002 increase in conventional foreclosures,” they wrote. But those properties “represent[ed] only 9.2 percent of the owner-occupied housing units.”
Obama got $126,349 from the two huge taxpayer-backed mortgage traders, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, between 1989 and 2004.
Oh yes...Obama caused the housing market collapse
Why should I be surprised, you guys think he is responsible for every negative thing in history...I'm sure he is partially responsible for the slave trade as well.
It's funny how hard people have to try to pin a negative on Obama...and trying to do this to make Romney look better
The Buycks-Roberson settlement was a jackpot for Obama and his political allies.
“When you follow the civil-rights law, it makes the pie bigger for everyone,” Clayton told TheDC.
The deal provided $360,000 to a few hundred African-American plaintiffs who got payouts ranging from $770 to $3,250 each, plus a promise of Citigroup’s help when seeking new mortgages. Buycks-Roberson and two other lead plaintiffs got an extra $20,000 each.
The law firms split $950,000.
Originally posted by Kali74
This thread actually made me chuckle out loud. I think what Obama has done is turned everyone on their heads. Looking on from the outside it's hilarious. If a republican had done this democrats would be outraged and republicans would say so what he's a lawyer and that's how it goes. But because he carries a (D) the republicans are suddenly the working poor champions and admonishing someone's ability to earn a high wage and the democrats are all so what that's how it goes.