A few years ago while in San Francisco, Bob Woodward made an intriguing remark. He told the San Francisco Chronicle he wouldn’t expose Deep Throat
until the man died, but that when he did, people would begin to research the case and one thing would lead to another. Woodward said it would all lead
to a “fantastic” discovery.
Now that we know that Deep Throat was W. Mark Felt, former #2 man at the FBI and the architect of J. Edgar Hoover’s COINTELPRO scheme to sabotage
the lives of thousands of anti-Vietnam war dissidents, the question looms large. What “fantastic” discovery was Woodward referring to?
First off, what were Felt’s motives in exposing Nixon’s crimes? Some say it was frustration because Felt was passed over when Nixon appointed an
outsider to head the FBI after J. Edgar Hoover died, or committed suicide, as Anthony Summers suggests, after Nixon tried to force Hoover out of
office. As Summers wrote in his biography of Hoover, Nixon may have had abundant dirt on J. Edgar Hoover, himself (homosexual parties and payoffs from
the mob), which would have given Nixon critical leverage in the end. Whether Hoover’s demise figured in Mark Felt’s “Deep Throat” move against
Nixon is difficult to say. Felt described Hoover as both disciplined and tyrannical. It’s possible that after Hoover died, Felt regretted having
savaged so many people’s lives through break-ins, job sabotage and other crimes committed under COINTELPRO. In 1980 Felt was convicted for having
ordered break-ins of anti-war Weatherman underground figures’ homes, yet was soon pardoned by Reagan.
What was Felt’s main contribution to Woodward and Bernstein? Felt told them to “follow the money,” which led investigators to roughly $100,000
laundered through Mexico to help pay the Watergate burglars and buy their silence. And what did Nixon and his cronies fear would be discovered through
Watergate? Some of the burglars were CIA employees, and at the time, Nixon was engaged in a struggle against CIA director Richard Helms. After
Woodward and Bernstein discovered the CIA’s connection to the Watergate burglary, they were aghast at the implications.
As the scandal unfolded in the press, Nixon called CIA director Richard Helms into his office and warned him to help steer the FBI away from Watergate
because it would lead to revelations about “the Bay of Pigs,” which Nixon aide Richard Haldemann interpreted as referring to the JFK
assassination. Helms literally began to shout when Nixon threatened that “the Bay of Pigs” story might be exposed. Thanks to the confession of
former CIA officer David Atlee Phillips (see Mark Lane’s book about E. H. Hunt’s lawsuit against Lane), we now know that the CIA was involved in
the assassination. The CIA faked Oswald diversions in Mexico to make Oswald look suspicious by contriving a connection to Cuba. It was a typical
intelligence ploy.
Within weeks, Nixon fired Richard Helms and the Watergate case began to drag Nixon down. But why did Nixon distrust Helms so deeply?
Numerous studies suggest that Helms’ CIA tried to bring the Watergate case to public attention, perhaps to get revenge on Nixon for previous doings.
James McCord, one of the Watergate burglars, was a CIA officer. He volunteered information to investigators and made seemingly intentional mistakes
that led Washington DC police to catch the burglars in the act. McCord repeatedly taped open the Watergate building’s doors so that security guard
Frank Wells discovered the tape on two different security rounds. As one web link below suggests, Nixon’s close ties to one military industrial
faction (Du Pont, Bush and cohorts) had long worked against a Howard Hughes-related faction and may have given Richard Helms’ revenge motive to work
against Nixon in Watergate.
Herbert Liedtke, the man who provided half of the $100,000 hush-up money funneled through Mexico to the Watergate burglars, was the business partner
of George Bush Sr. at Pennzoil. Nixon’s famous remarks about “the Texans” involved with Nixon in the Watergate case has been interpreted a
reference to both Liedtke and Bush Sr. As Nixon told one of the Watergate conspirators at the time, “George Bush will do anything for us.”
What, exactly, was Nixon referring to in his “Bay of Pigs” remarks? Former Pentagon insider Col. Fletcher Prouty suggests that the real subject of
concern may have been Gen. Ed Lansdale, an Air Force officer who worked with the CIA and was photographed in Dealey Plaza on the day JFK was shot.
Prouty and some of his Pentagon colleagues who worked with Lansdale are convinced that Lansdale is the man in the black suit who was photographed as
he walked past the “hobo” suspects on Dealey Plaza about an hour after the shooting. Prouty said Lansdale specialized in organizing sniper shooter
teams, and appears to have orchestrated the shooter team that killed Kennedy. After the 1978 House Assassinations committed re-opened the JFK case, a
New York Times book pointed to the mob as having organized the murder. The Times and other corporate sheets have neglected to discuss the Lansdale
story.
So what’s the “fantastic” aspect of the Watergate case that Woodward referred to? What is it about Felt that Woodward thinks will lead us to a
major breakthrough?
Don’t ask Woodward. As managing editor of the Washington Post, he has worked too long within Graham family money circles to step forward and make an
explicit statement. Woodward was raised a Republican and later worked for the Office of Naval Intelligence before he became a reporter. He hand
delivered secret documents to Pentagon leaders during the Vietnam War, which may be why Mark Felt favored Woodward: Woodward wasn’t one of those
anti-war people who, as Kissinger later noted, verged on civil conflict with the administration.
Owned by Katharine Graham’s family, the Washington Post has long been criticized for being a CIA-friendly sheet, if not its mouthpiece, in some
cases. Some Post writers, i.e. Walter Pincus, were once CIA employees and are rumored to have directly aided the CIA while working at the Post.
Katharine Graham once remarked that “governments need to keep secrets,” suggesting that she wasn’t about to air the CIA’s dirtiest laundry.
For economic reasons, Post editors want to be favored by sitting administrations in order to get exclusive stories. During the current phase of
“globalization” (code word for Bush’s Orwellian kind of empire) Post writers are even more reluctant to embarrass the government. Woodward’s
last book, Bush at War, has been panned for being little more than leaks by Bush insiders trying to cultivate close relations with the paper that sank
Nixon.
In her autobiography, Katharine Graham wrote that upon hearing that JFK had been shot, her mother remarked that the US is just another “goddamned
banana republic.” It wasn’t a politically correct statement, but Katharine’s decision to include the remark in her autobiography suggests that
she suspected criminal conspiracy in the assassination, even though she denied the fact for most of her life. Katharine Graham’s biographer Deborah
Davis wrote that after Katharine’s husband Phillip commited suicide, Richard Helms’ purported grandfather, Gates White McGarrah, steered Katharine
Graham into the purchase of Newsweek magazine before others found out that it was up for sale. If biographer Davis is correct, Katharine Graham had a
conflict of interest in her coverage of Richard Helms because Helms’ purported grandfather helped Katharine go from owning a metropolitan sheet to
owning a national news magazine.
As Woodward suggests, those who research Mark Felt will find that one aspect of the story, does, in fact, lead to another. There may be more to the
Helms-Graham relationship than is commonly known. Read the following story:
www.newsmakingnews.com... for a summary of how Howard
Hughes and Richard Helms may not merely have worked toward the same CIA ends; they may have shared aspects of their identity. A comparison of photos
on the web page noted above shows that Hughes and Helms were look-alikes when photographed from certain perspectives. The history of the subject
suggests that a double identity was arranged through Rockefeller and Mellon family sponsorship, presumably for oil industry reasons.
Watergate burglars specifically targeted Hughes lawyer Larry O’Brien’s files during the burglary of Democratic National Headquarters in 1972
because O’Brien was one of the heads of the Democratic Party campaign. Why did Nixon’s men risk arrest to learn more about Hughes lawyer O’Brien
and Democratic Party strategy in 1972?
During Nixon’s failed 1960 run against John Kennedy for the presidency, an unpaid $205,000 loan by Howard Hughes to Nixon’s brother Donald
embarrassed Nixon and may have cost him the presidency. Hughes money given to Nixon on later occasions also proved embarrassing. It was a recurrent
theme during Nixon’s years in office.
Nixon may have suspected that further Hughes and Helms-CIA dirt on Nixon might be used in the 1972 campaign, hence the Watergate break-in was planned
in order to go through Larry O’Brien’s files and check on the possibility. Years later, Jeb Stuart Magruder stated that Nixon, himself, ordered
the break-in. The resort to criminal means suggests that Nixon was afraid of something, or someone in the CIA, which is consistent with Bob
Woodward’s remark that those who investigate W. Mark Felt will make unexpected discoveries. Of course, we now know that the CIA was (and still is) a
hotbed of murder, narcotics trafficking, and more. But what is so “fantastic” about that? Was there a larger struggle going on within government
that the public was unaware of?
Those who research black budget programs, i.e. the reverse-engineered technology of MAJI programs, have read that black budget labs first achieved
alien-copied anti-gravity “flight” in 1971 after years of working on downed gray alien and other artifacts. Col. Phillip Corso’s book on the
subject suggests that a major campaign to copy downed alien technology began as early as 1961, if not sooner. President Eisenhower told Brigadier
General Stephen Lovekin and others that alien-related affairs and technology were being taken from his control. As Eisenhower said, “It is not going
to be in the best hands.” (p. 235, Disclosure, by Steven Greer) Eisenhower’s fears were echoed in his farewell statement that “the military
industrial complex” poses the greatest risk to our freedom.
If Gen. Lovekin and others are correct, a power struggle within the US government centered on one simple question: who would control the most
important technology that had ever been “discovered” by humankind? (scavenged might be a better word) Who would own and control what we now know
as electrogravity and other technology?
Hughes reportedly built and controlled the Abaco, Bahamas site used to study at least one downed alien craft, and Hughes corp. also did research on
various anti-gravity technology. See Steven Greer's book Disclosure for details. Worse yet, when Nixon contributor Robert Vesco escaped the United
States in 1971 with $224 million in Investor's Overseas Service money, much of which was dirty money laundered into the Bahamas to avoid paying
taxes, Howard Hughes may have lost millions in the theft. Vesco met and did business with Hughes' arch competitors in the Du Pont family just before
Vesco escaped with the money. Vesco appears to have consulted with Meyer Lansky's aides, Dino and Eddie Celini, before stealing the money. In short,
just before Nixon's 1972 re-election campaign, Hughes (and Helms at the CIA) may have been betrayed, Hughes bankrupted, by a Du Pont faction that was
competing with the Hughes-Mellon-Rockefeller faction for control of reverse-engineered antigravity technology.
Within months, the CIA was helping to set up the Watergate case, perhaps as revenge against Nixon, who favored the Du Ponts and Vesco in the matter.
Those who haven’t read about such subjects won’t appreciate just how “fantastic” the further implications of the Mark Felt story actually are.
Would Bob Woodward actually come right out and speak about such things?
Probably not. Woodward is employed by a family that has a direct financial stake in military-industrial contracts of the sort. Katharine Graham’s
father, Eugene Meyer, was one of the main stockholders in the Allied Chemical Corporation, which later merged with Martin-Marietta, now part of
Allied-Lockheed Martin. Allied-Lockheed Martin is deeply involved in the manufacture of Cosmic Top Secret technologies used in craft such as the
Stealth bomber, the X-22A, the TR-3B and other craft like the reported TAW-50, the most recent gravity-manipulating craft in the United States
arsenal.
As numerous government whistleblowers have stated, question remains as to who actually controls such technologies: the US government or a cabal of
private manufacturers who have used billions of dollars of black budget narcotics profits to fund reverse-engineered technologies in order to avoid
having to report the cash flows to Congress? Secrecy of the sort has allowed certain private estates to propagate lies and steal from the US
government without basic Congressional oversight. In other words, greed, rather than secrecy, may be the motive. Back in 1972 when W. Mark Felt helped
expose Nixon’s web of corruption, the CIA was up to its eyebrows in criminal activities.
When antigravity “flight” was reportedly first achieved in 1971, Nixon’s second presidential campaign was being organized. The winner of the
1972 election would soon have leverage in determining who might profit by the manufacture of reverse-engineered anti-gravity technology. Some
researchers say it isn’t actually “anti-gravity” technology because it manipulates different kinds of gravity, instead. Retired naval engineer
Col. Tom Bearden and others write at length about their experience with electrogravity technology. Over time, Bearden has become the grand old man of
electrogravity theory, yet black budget physicists may have slightly different equations for electrogravity. In 1947 when Truman’s National Security
Act was first implemented, black budget labs reportedly plunged into the study of reverse-engineered technology with an intensity that rivaled the
Manhattan Project.
Did Bob Woodward hint at such “fantastic” subjects when he discussed Deep Throat with the San Francisco Chronicle a few years ago? He might have,
knowing that as the employee of a family that has holdings in Allied-Lockheed Martin, he had no chance of discussing such subjects openly. The best he
could possibly do while working for Katharine Graham’s son, Donald, would be to vaguely hint at such subjects. Non-corporate press has taken the
lead in reporting on such subjects, given that corporate sheets tend to be compromised due to their dependence on defense-related advertisers and
finance.
By working for a family with deep ties to major military-industrial contracting, Woodward would be in a position to hear off-the-records comments
about Cosmic Top Secret projects. Woodward handled classified information during his Navy years, so industry insiders know he can be trusted not to
talk about black budget “background information.” Woodward isn’t stupid; he would easily pick up on subtle hints about such subjects.
However, Woodward has little reason to think that mainstream readers will go from learning that former FBI boss Mark Felt was Deep Throat, to a
succession of further discoveries, culminating in a “fantastic” breakthrough.
Watergate is old news. It won’t hold the public’s attention for long. Does Woodward actually think that Mark Felt will lead to fantastic
breakthroughs, or is Woodward simply indulging himself in wishful thinking about aspects of a story that he should have covered 31 years ago, but
didn’t, because he works for an old Allied-Lockheed Martin family?