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Originally posted by oppodeldoc
Article II, Section IV of the United States Constitution reads:
�the President, Vice President and all civil officers of the United States shall be removed from office on impeachment for, and on conviction of, treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors.�
Those tubes became a critical exhibit in the administration's brief against Iraq. As the only physical evidence the United States could brandish of Mr. Hussein's revived nuclear ambitions, they gave credibility to the apocalyptic imagery invoked by President Bush and his advisers. The tubes were "only really suited for nuclear weapons programs," Condoleezza Rice, the president's national security adviser, explained on CNN on Sept. 8, 2002. "We don't want the smoking gun to be a mushroom cloud."
But almost a year before, Ms. Rice's staff had been told that the government's foremost nuclear experts seriously doubted that the tubes were for nuclear weapons, according to four officials at the Central Intelligence Agency and two senior administration officials, all of whom spoke on condition of anonymity. The experts, at the Energy Department, believed the tubes were likely intended for small artillery rockets.
The White House, though, embraced the disputed theory that the tubes were for nuclear centrifuges, an idea first championed in April 2001 by a junior analyst at the C.I.A. Senior nuclear scientists considered that notion implausible, yet in the months after 9/11, as the administration built a case for confronting Iraq, the centrifuge theory gained currency as it rose to the top of the government.
The tubes now sought by Iraq had precisely the same dimensions - a perfect match.
That finding was published May 9, 2001, in the Daily Intelligence Highlight, a secret Energy Department newsletter published on Intelink, a Web site for the intelligence community and the White House.
Joe and his Winpac colleagues at the C.I.A. were not persuaded. Yes, they conceded, the tubes could be used as rocket casings. But that made no sense, they argued in a new report, because Iraq wanted tubes made at tolerances that "far exceed any known conventional weapons." In other words, Iraq was demanding a level of precision craftsmanship unnecessary for ordinary mass-produced rockets.
More to the point, those analysts had hit on a competing theory: that the tubes' dimensions matched those used in an early uranium centrifuge developed in the 1950's by a German scientist, Gernot Zippe. Most centrifuge designs are highly classified; this one, though, was readily available in science reports.
Thus, well before Sept. 11, 2001, the debate within the intelligence community was already neatly framed: Were the tubes for rockets or centrifuges?
Originally posted by Slank
Selective truth telling = LIE
Yet so far, Senate investigators say, they have found little evidence the White House tried to find out why so many experts disputed the C.I.A. tubes theory. If anything, administration officials minimized the divide.
On Sept. 13, The Times made the first public mention of the tubes debate in the sixth paragraph of an article on Page A13. In it an unidentified senior administration official dismissed the debate as a ''footnote, not a split.'' Citing another unidentified administration official, the story reported that the ''best technical experts and nuclear scientists at laboratories like Oak Ridge supported the C.I.A. assessments.''
As a senior Oak Ridge official pointed out to the Intelligence Committee, ''the vast majority of scientists and nuclear experts'' in the Energy Department's laboratories in fact disagreed with the agency. But on Sept. 13, the day the article appeared, the Energy Department sent a directive forbidding employees from discussing the subject with reporters.
The Energy Department, in a written statement, said that it was ''completely appropriate'' to remind employees of the need to protect nuclear secrets and that it had made no effort ''to quash dissent.''
In closed hearings that month, though, Congress began to hear testimony about the debate. Several Democrats said in interviews that secrecy rules had prevented them from speaking out about the gap between the administration's view of the tubes and the more benign explanations described in classified testimony.
One senior C.I.A. official recalled cautioning members of Congress in a closed session not to speak publicly about the possibility that the tubes were for rockets. ''If people start talking about that and the Iraqis see that people are saying rocket bodies, that will automatically become their explanation whenever anyone goes to Iraq,'' the official said in an interview.
So while administration officials spoke freely about the agency's theory, the evidence that best challenged this view remained almost entirely off limits for public debate.
''Facing clear evidence of peril,'' the president concluded, ''we cannot wait for the final proof -- the smoking gun -- that could come in the form of a mushroom cloud.''
''It is common knowledge that Congress does not have the same access as the executive branch,'' Brooke Anderson, a Kerry spokeswoman, said yesterday
originally posted by oppledoc
The flow of intelligence was stunted and diverted and bastardized by Bush and his administration. He is not to be trusted, and deserves to be investigated, at the very least. That's the whole point of this thread
But in interviews, C.I.A. and administration officials disclosed that the dissenting views were repeatedly discussed in meetings and telephone calls.
One senior official at the agency said its "fundamental approach" was to tell policy makers about dissenting views. Another senior official acknowledged that some of their agency's reports "weren't as well caveated as, in retrospect, they should have been." But he added, "There was certainly nothing that was hidden."
Four agency officials insisted that Winpac analysts repeatedly explained the contrasting assessments during briefings with senior National Security Council officials who dealt with nuclear proliferation issues. "We think we were reasonably clear about this," a senior C.I.A. official said.
according to four officials at the Central Intelligence Agency and two senior administration officials, all of whom spoke on condition of anonymity.
In closed hearings that month, though, Congress began to hear testimony about the debate. Several Democrats said in interviews that secrecy rules had prevented them from speaking out about the gap between the administration's view of the tubes and the more benign explanations described in classified testimony.
Clinton wasn't impeached.
a secret Energy Department newsletter published on Intelink, a Web site for the intelligence community and the White House.
The Energy Department team concluded it was "unlikely that anyone" could build a centrifuge site capable of producing significant amounts of enriched uranium "based on these tubes." One analyst summed it up this way: the tubes were so poorly suited for centrifuges, he told Senate investigators, that if Iraq truly wanted to use them this way, "we should just give them the tubes."
But Senator Bob Graham, then chairman of the Intelligence Committee, said he voted against the resolution in part because of doubts about the tubes. "It reinforced in my mind pre-existing questions I had about the unreliability of the intelligence community, especially the C.I.A.," Mr. Graham, a Florida Democrat, said in an interview.
in October 2002, when the Senate voted on Iraq, Mr. Kerry had not read the National Intelligence Estimate
Perfect applicability as rockets:
Likewise, Britain's experts believed the tubes would need "substantial re-engineering" to work in centrifuges, according to Britain's review of its prewar intelligence. Their experts found it "paradoxical" that Iraq would order such finely crafted tubes only to radically rebuild each one for a centrifuge. Yes, it was theoretically possible, but as an Energy Department analyst later told Senate investigators, it was also theoretically possible to "turn your new Yugo into a Cadillac."
Why wasn't Irag getting ANY OTHER parts for a centrifuge?
The tubes now sought by Iraq had precisely the same dimensions - a PERFECT MATCH [for SLIM ROCKETS fired from launcher pods.].
This is sort of like someone buying ball bearings and extrapolating that they are building an automobile. It is a HUGE jump in logic.
What was more, the analysis reasoned, if the tubes were part of a secret, high-risk venture to build a nuclear bomb, why were the Iraqis haggling over prices with suppliers all around the world? And why weren't they shopping for all the other sensitive equipment needed for centrifuges?
But several Congressional and intelligence officials with access to the 15 assessments said not one of them informed senior policy makers of the Energy Department's dissent.
[for 'other' read the actual overwhelmingly likely case for use as rockets]
"THEY NEVER LAY OUT THE OTHER CASE," one Congressional official said of those C.I.A. assessments.
Senate leader Daschle raises common sense questions:
In his Nashville speech, Mr. Cheney had not mentioned the aluminum tubes or any other fresh intelligence when he said, ''We now know that Saddam has resumed his efforts to acquire nuclear weapons.'' The one specific source he did cite was Hussein Kamel al-Majid, a son-in-law of Mr. Hussein's who defected in 1994 after running Iraq's chemical, biological and nuclear weapons programs. But Mr. Majid told American intelligence officials in 1995 that Iraq's nuclear program HAD BEEN DISMANTLED.
THEN THE WHITEHOUSE GETS THE FLAT OUT LIE PUBLISHED IN THE NYTIMES:
Tom Daschle, the South Dakota Democrat and Senate majority leader, was more cautious. ''What has changed over the course of the last 10 years, that brings this country to the belief that it has to act in a pre-emptive fashion in invading Iraq?'' he asked.
This based on the information they had was a flat out lie. A lie used to convince sensible sceptics like Senator Tom Daschle AND THE AMERICAN PUBLIC.
A few days later, on Sept. 8., the lead article on Page 1 of The New York Times gave the first detailed account of the aluminum tubes. The article cited unidentified senior administration officials who insisted that the dimensions, specifications and numbers of tubes sought showed that they were intended for a nuclear weapons program.
The CIA covers the sh*t like a cat in a sand box:
Yet on this day, with a Gallup poll showing that 58 PERCENT OF AMERICANS DID NOT BELIEVE President Bush had done enough to explain why the United States should act against Iraq, . . . Not only did Mr. Cheney draw attention to the tubes; he did so with a certitude that COULD NOT be found in even the C.I.A.'s assessments. On ''Meet the Press,'' Mr. Cheney said he knew ''for sure'' and ''in fact'' and ''WITH ABSOLUTE CERTAINTY'' that Mr. Hussein was buying equipment to build a nuclear weapon
In other words making it politically IMPOSSIBLE for senators to disagree with the Whitehouse/CIA view by employing the FACTs from the Department of Energy. Here the Energy Department, despite the lack of evidence buckles to pressure and joins the chorus for WAR:
As a senior Oak Ridge official pointed out to the Intelligence Committee, ''the vast majority of scientists and nuclear experts'' . . . in fact disagreed with the [CIA]. But on Sept. 13, the day the article appeared, the Energy Department sent a directive forbidding employees from discussing the subject with reporters.
They must have pulled that opinion out of their *ss. It sure didn't come from the facts. So the fraudulent intelligence assessment is written into the report:
The Energy Department helped solve the problem. In meetings on the estimate, senior department intelligence officials said that while they still did not believe the tubes were for centrifuges, they nonetheless could agree that Iraq was reconstituting its nuclear weapons capability.
Here John F. Kerry MISTAKENLY relies on a verbal report from George Tenet instead of reading the 'National Intelligence Estimate':
Nevertheless, the estimate's authors seized on the Energy Department's position to avoid the entire tubes debate, with written dissents relegated to a 10-page annex. The estimate would instead emphasize that the C.I.A. and the Energy Department both agreed that Mr. Hussein was rebuilding his nuclear weapons program. Only the closest reader would see that each agency was basing its assessment in large measure on evidence the other considered suspect.
. . .[I]n October 2002, when the Senate voted on Iraq, Mr. Kerry had not read the National Intelligence Estimate, but instead had relied on a briefing from Mr. Tenet, . . . ''According to the C.I.A.'s report, all U.S. intelligence experts agree that Iraq is seeking nuclear weapons,'' Mr. Kerry said then, explaining his vote. ''There is little question that Saddam Hussein wants to develop nuclear weapons.''
Nevertheless, the estimate's authors seized on the Energy Department's position to avoid the entire tubes debate, with written dissents relegated to a 10-page annex
So you see, unless the New York Times and their sources are all lying, It becomes evident that only the White House was truly aware how flimsy the argument for Saddam's Nuclear capability was. We are learning now that the argument was flimsy because it was basically MADE UP.
"Yet the tale of the tubes, pieced together through records and interviews with senior intelligence officers, nuclear experts, administration officials and Congressional investigators, reveals a different failure."
"'By now,'' he said, ''just about everyone has heard of these tubes, and we all know there are differences of opinion. There is controversy about what these tubes are for. Most U.S. experts think they are intended to serve as rotors in centrifuges used to enrich uranium. Other experts and the Iraqis themselves argue that they are really to produce the rocket bodies for a conventional weapon, a multiple rocket launcher.''
But Mr. Powell did not acknowledge that those ''other experts'' included many of the nation's most authoritative nuclear experts, some of whom said in interviews that they were offended to find themselves now lumped in with a reviled government.
Originally posted by oppledoc
I used this article in support of my argument that there is sufficient evidence to begin an independent investigation of the Bush Administration about prewar intelligence that could lead to impeachment proceedings.
Originally posted by oppledoc
I'm sure I'm not alone in this assertion. If one reads the New York Times article, regardless of what you may draw from a few paragraphs here and there taken out of context, two things become apparent:
Originally posted by oppledoc
Times writers believe that the Bush administration (this includes George Tenet) significantly downplayed opposing viewpoints to its view that Iraq was using those tubes for a nuclear program.
Originally posted by oppledoc
I never said congress didn't know there were opposing viewpoints. They certainly did, but had to struggle to learn the extent of that opposition, and even then did not get the full story until after the vote for war had taken place.
Originally posted by oppledoc
This is why I get so pissed when the president says of John Kerry �He looked at the same intelligence I did.� Actually, he and the rest of congress only looked at what Bush wanted him to see. He didn�t get to look at all the reports that the evidence presented was suspect. So that, in itself, is a lie.
Originally posted by oppledoc
But check THIS out. Here the article describes very plainly that the Senate was not given the same information included in the classified briefings to the White House:
The C.I.A. has a distinct edge: "unique access to policy makers and unique control of intelligence reporting," the report found. The Presidential Daily Briefs, for example, are prepared and presented by agency analysts; the agency's director is the president's principal intelligence adviser. This allows agency analysts to control the presentation of information to policy makers "without having to explain dissenting views or defend their analysis from potential challenges," the committee's report said.
This problem, the report said, was "particularly evident" with the C.I.A.'s analysis of the tubes, when agency analysts "lost objectivity and in several cases took action that improperly excluded useful expertise from the intelligence debate." In interviews, Senate investigators said the agency's written assessments did a poor job of describing the debate over the intelligence.
Originally posted in the NYT article
As the Senate Intelligence Committee report made clear, the American intelligence community "is not a level playing field when it comes to the competition of ideas in intelligence analysis."
The C.I.A. has a distinct edge: "unique access to policy makers and unique control of intelligence reporting," the report found. The Presidential Daily Briefs, for example, are prepared and presented by agency analysts; the agency's director is the president's principal intelligence adviser. This allows agency analysts to control the presentation of information to policy makers "without having to explain dissenting views or defend their analysis from potential challenges," the committee's report said.
This problem, the report said, was "particularly evident" with the C.I.A.'s analysis of the tubes, when agency analysts "lost objectivity and in several cases took action that improperly excluded useful expertise from the intelligence debate." In interviews, Senate investigators said the agency's written assessments did a poor job of describing the debate over the intelligence.
From April 2001 to September 2002, the agency wrote at least 15 reports on the tubes. Many were sent only to high-level policy makers, including President Bush, and did not circulate to other intelligence agencies. None have been released, though some were described in the Senate's report.
Several senior C.I.A. officials insisted that those reports did describe at least in general terms the intelligence debate. "You don't go into all that detail but you do try to evince it when you write your current product," one agency official said.
But several Congressional and intelligence officials with access to the 15 assessments said not one of them informed senior policy makers of the Energy Department's dissent. They described a series of reports, some with ominous titles, that failed to convey either the existence or the substance of the intensifying debate.
Originally posted by oppledoc
The thing is, your analogy to a criminal trial is totally ridiculous and shortsighted. You're basically justifying the president DELIBERATELY withholding conflicting information from the American people because you think there was some kind of "trial" here. If so, who got to argue the other side to congress and the people? It is sad that you support Bush so blindly that you will condone his lies by saying "he thought the war was justified, so fudging the facts is totally OK."
Originally posted by oppledoc
The White House, and only the White House, was told that the information they were going to use was suspect and probably innacurate, but they went forward with it anyway.
Originally posted by oppledoc
Actually, the Bush administration didn't just lie to the Democratic chorus, they lied to CONGRESS. They lied to YOU. There are plenty of Republicans who are voicing their dissent and suspicion.
Originally posted by oppledoc
Originally posted by BlackJacka
So then Kerry should be removed from Congress because he acted on the same intelligence that the President did using your logic. They both saw the same intelligence and acted accordingly...
They didn't have the same intelligence. That's the point. Do you all know how to read? Read. My. Post.
It is basically a FACT that they didn't have the same intelligence
Originally posted by oppledoc
If the New York Times is trusted on this story, congress did NOT have the same intelligence presented to the Bush White House. I refuse to argue this point any more, as its ridiculous to claim otherwise.
As I said before (on page one):
So you see, unless the New York Times and their sources are all lying, It becomes evident that only the White House was truly aware how flimsy the argument for Saddam's Nuclear capability was. We are learning now that the argument was flimsy because it was basically MADE UP.
2 - If one lends any merit to these assertions, then I can't see any justification NOT to have an independent investigation. This might be only the tip of the iceberg. If it turned out that the president lied about this (and various other lies given to us as "hard evidence") to send us to war, there can be no doubt that this is an impeachable defense.
Now, say what you want about my arguments. They are rock solid, though you may try to convince folks that I skimmed this article or otherwise have no idea what I'm talking about. I didn't write it, however, and you are free to take whatever you do away from it. I haven't quoted out of context or read anything wrong. It is a balanced news story with differing opinions and sources included. Blackjack, you are straight lying to those who haven't read the story when you post that this article was derived entirely from CIA and Administration officials. Don't do that:
Originally from NYT article.
In closed hearings that month, though, Congress began to hear testimony about the debate. Several Democrats said in interviews that secrecy rules had prevented them from speaking out about the gap between the administration's view of the tubes and the more benign explanations described in classified testimony.
One senior C.I.A. official recalled cautioning members of Congress in a closed session not to speak publicly about the possibility that the tubes were for rockets. ''If people start talking about that and the Iraqis see that people are saying rocket bodies, that will automatically become their explanation whenever anyone goes to Iraq,'' the official said in an interview.
So while administration officials spoke freely about the agency's theory, the evidence that best challenged this view remained almost entirely off limits for public debate.
Originally posted by oppledoc
A balanced article, which after 15 pages of copy comes to Powell's unsuccessful speech to the U.N. (and the world) where the writers show a damning quote from the Secretary of State, working under the pressure of his president and vice president to garner support for a doomed resolution. It was very much a lie, if you believe the Times:
Asked why he decided to bring this controversial lawsuit, Rodriguez explains that, having survived the World Trade Center disaster when so many did not, he feels he must learn the truth of what happened on that day. �If what the government has told us about 9-11 is a lie,� he says, �somebody has to take action to reveal the truth. Since that plane hit the North Tower on 9-11, like it or not my life�s meaning has become to reduce the number of victims, and the amount of suffering from those attacks. If suing President Bush is what I have to do to accomplish that, so be it.�
Rodriguez notes that the events of 9-11 are directly related to the deaths of thousands of people in two ongoing wars, attacks on Constitutional liberties in the United States, the abuse and torture of detainees around the world, and the use by the United States of depleted uranium and other weapons of mass destruction in Iraq.
Admitting the obvious � that his client�s legal fight against powerful government figures is of the �David versus Goliath� variety � Berg, a former deputy attorney general in Pennsylvania, invites both financial support for his efforts, as well as assistance from volunteer attorneys.
The action, filed in the U.S. District Court in Philadelphia, is Rodriguez v. Bush, et al., Civil Action No. 04 cv 4952.