Eyes Wide Google

So to begin at the beginning... it's a winter's full moonlit night.. in a small mind on a journey that's serpentine..yet within its riddles, many is it really securely governed, behind a vast vale of nothingness] I cant Get It out of My Head......Can You be Fluid enough to unfold and it....???

The ultimate Hidden Truth Of The World Is That it Is Something We Make And Could Just As Easily Make Differently David Graeber 1961-2020

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it's all relative are we fluid now.........................

I'm so confused.

originally posted by: Skooter_NB
I'm so confused.

You wanna talk about it.

a reply to: Skooter_NB
Its the way you are meant to be if you so choose its the Whole Point and has afflicted many you are not alone But are always protected from this moment on

originally posted by: purplemer

originally posted by: Skooter_NB
I'm so confused.

You wanna talk about it.

Life man, life... it's just so... so... Google.

a reply to: Skooter_NB
Spoonfed Google so many statistics an algorithm anyone

a reply to: Fingle

apply each step of the algorithm to that information to generate an output in who or what Google it

a reply to: Fingle

Love that song

Way Ahead of her mind Incredible foresight did not take long for that algorithm to pop

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a reply to: purplemer

it's a big-time investment but watch the Can't Get You Out of My Head series 1-6 you will get it

Lots of silly coincidences like something you would see on a conspiracy theory website erm...

brandnewtube.com...

www.hellier.tv...

Break Time
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So let's have a think............ Since OG Mobile 1973 personal storage/use data has slowly emerged into the engine it is today, based on the war on terror allegedly by our protectors of the people our elected governments to eliminate the terrorist element within society... Lets step back to The Greatest Strike Ever
ASK
A LIBRARIAN
By Scott Connelly
Miners Going Into the Slope
B.L. Singley / Library of Congress
Anthracite coal miners near Hazelton prepare to go into the mine.
The winter of 1902 was coming fast. The Anthracite Coal Strike in northeastern Pennsylvania had been going on for over four months with no signs of ending. President Theodore Roosevelt feared “untold misery…with the certainty of riots which might develop into social war.” He felt something must be done. But the federal government had no legal right to intervene in a dispute between capital and labor. With the price of coal skyrocketing to 20 dollars per ton— the equivalent of $12.93 per gallon of gas today—Roosevelt found himself in an impossible situation.

But how did the “Great Strike” come about? Contention in Pennsylvania’s anthracite region—located in the counties of Schuylkill, Carbon, Luzerne, Lackawanna and Northumberland—was prevalent virtually since mining began in the area. One of the most important episodes between capital and labor happened from 1868 to 1876. The Worker’s Benevolent Association (WBA) was trying to win an eight-hour workday and better working conditions for its members. The coal operators schemed to destroy the union by hiring Pinkerton’s National Detective Agency to frame some of the miners as anarchistic “Molly Maguires” (a name taken from Irish vigilantes who fought against British oppression). When Pinkerton’s Agency found no evidence to convict the miners with, the operators decided to use brute force. Richard Boyer tells in his book Labor’s Untold Story how the “operator’s unleashed a reign of terror, hiring and arming a band of vigilantes…who joined the corporation-owned Coal and Iron Police in waylaying, ambushing and killing militant miners.” Public sentiment was not with the miners, who were decried as “a wild beast and needs to be shot down.” Within six months the WBA was obliterated and 19 miners were hanged.

John Mitchell
Library of Congress
John Mitchell, President of the United Mine Workers of America.
Over the next 15 years anthracite miners picked up the remnants of their broken union to join the Knights of Labor with the National Federation of Miners in 1890. The union, the United Mine Workers of America (UMWA), tested its strength against bituminous coal operators in the Midwest and western Pennsylvania for better working conditions. They were successful. By 1900 the newly elected union president, John Mitchell, attempted to repeat his success against northeastern Pennsylvania’s anthracite coal operators. The operators were as hard as the coal they mined. Despite several attempts to discuss the miners’ grievances, the operators, headed by George F. Baer, President of the Philadelphia and Reading Railroad, would hear none of it. Mitchell called his men to strike.

1900 was an election year. Republican presidential incumbent William McKinley was running with the campaign slogan “A Full Dinner Pail,” lauding his successful first term and the promise of prosperity in the second. His campaign manager, Senator Marcus Hanna of Ohio, feared that a labor strike would lose McKinley voters. Hanna spoke with Wall Street financier J.P. Morgan, who owned the railroads operated by Baer and the others, to bring about the end of the strike. Morgan had recently bought land in the anthracite region and owned debt on the railroads; he could not afford to lose money on a strike. Combined with pressure from the Republican Party, Baer and the other operators relented and accepted a 10% increase in wages. Mitchell called off the strike after six weeks.

Almost everyone was happy: Mitchell had won his first contest for the UMWA; Hanna’s successful navigation of Republican interests kept McKinley in the presidency; Morgan could continue to consolidate his finances without fear of losing money on a strike. The strike ended well for all parties—everyone except for the coal operators. Robert Wiebe, a political and social history professor at Northwestern University, wrote in an essay on the anthracite strike: “The settlement of 1900 left the operators a legacy of hate… [T]hey bitterly resented a politically dictated defeat.” Baer and the others would not soon forget what they considered a forced concession. If the time ever came that another strike should contest against them, the operators would stand their ground—no matter what.

George F. Baer
World Today Magazine, Jan. 1904
George F. Baer, President of the Philadelphia and Reading Railroad.
That time came in 1902. Mitchell decided that the miners needed better conditions and appealed to the operators to work out the problems. He was refused. In March Mitchell met with anthracite laborers to establish their demands to the operators: first and foremost recognition of the UMWA as a union, which had been deprived of them in the strike two years earlier; a 20% increase in wages; a reduction from ten to eight hours in a workday; and a system of weighing coal and paying for it by the ton instead of paying by the cartload. The demands from the Shamokin Conference were sent to the operators. Again Mitchell was ignored.

Mitchell turned to his old friend Senator Hanna. Hanna was then the President of the National Civic Federation (NCF), an organization founded in 1900 to settle disputes between capital and labor. Mitchell was also a member of the NCF; not only that, but Mitchell grew up as a bituminous miner in Illinois, and Hanna, as a bituminous coal operator, found a strong friend in Mitchell. As he had done in 1900, Hanna contrived to make peace with the operators in 1902 and called the representatives of both parties to meet with him in New York. Mitchell presented the miners’ requests. Professor Wiebe wrote in his article that the operators “were determined to avoid another humiliation at the hands of politicians” and no agreement was made. 30 days later Hanna and Mitchell tried again with the same result.

May 12, 1902, Mitchell called out 147,000 workers from the anthracite mines of Pennsylvania. The “Great Strike” had begun.

Militia encampment outside of Shenandoah
Library of Congress
The state government not only licensed Coal and Iron Police, but it also called out the militia during the strike.
Baer and the other operators were not about to be pushed around. They enlisted 5000 Coal and Iron Police to guard the mines, claiming that if men were protected from the strikers they would return to work. The Police were “hired guns” legitimized by Pennsylvania’s state legislature; for one dollar each, coal and steel operators could have the governor sign commissions and the Police were endowed with all the powers of the law to enforce the companies’ interests. As Jeremiah Shalloo, professor of sociology at the University of Pennsylvania, pointed out in his book Private Police: With Special Reference to Pennsylvania, there was “no consideration…nor was there any attempt on the part of any responsible authority to determine the character or fitness of the persons for whom commissions were sought…There was no investigation, no regulation, no supervision, no responsibility undertaken by the State.” With the law workin

pabook.libraries.psu.edu... y-cultural-heritage-map-pa/feature-articles/greatest-strike-ever

On the 5th of March 1985, a crowd gathered in a South Yorkshire pit village to watch a sight none of them had seen in a year. The villagers, many of them in tears, cheered and clapped as the men of Grimethorpe Colliery marched back to work accompanied by the village’s world-famous brass band. The miners and their families had endured months of hardship. It had all been for nothing. The miners had lost the strike called on March 6th 1984. They would lose a lot more in the years to come. But was it a good thing for the country that the miners lost their last battle?

The miners had gone on strike twice in the previous decade. In 1972 and 1974, strikes shut down every coal mine in Britain, and a combination of solidarity strikes by the steel and railway unions and targeted picketing of coking works, ports and industrial sites brought the country to a standstill. This led to power cuts, the introduction of a three-day working week and the downfall of the Conservative government of Edward Heath. The miners were on top of the world in the 1970s, able to hold the country to ransom to stop pit closures and raise wages. But galloping over the horizon would be the woman who would prove to be their nemesis – Margaret Thatcher.

Thatcher had taken note of the way the miners had brought down her predecessor and was determined the same thing would not happen to her premiership. After coming to power in 1979, she had her ministers and civil servants draw up secret plans that would keep coal moving around the country were the miners to attempt another strike.

By the early 1980s, domestic coal production was becoming ever more unprofitable. The industry relied heavily on government subsidies. Thatcher appointed the ruthless Ian McGregor to the head of the National Coal Board in 1983. McGregor was a Scottish-American metallurgist who had already streamlined Britain’s nationalized steel industry, stripping it of 95,000 jobs, closing down plants and bringing British Steel from making an annual loss of £1.6 billion to near profit. This turnaround in steel’s fortunes made it possible for Thatcher to privatise the industry – something she also had in mind for coal.

McGregor’s approach to the mining industry was the same as it had been towards steel – close unprofitable pits and drastically reduce the workforce. He determined that at least twenty unprofitable pits must be closed immediately for economic reasons, which was met with great suspicion by the National Union of Mineworkers, in particular the union’s leader, the firebrand Arthur Scargill.

Scargill had risen through the ranks of the National Union of Mineworkers in the 1970s. His use of so-called ‘flying pickets’ – striking miners sent to specific plants, usually to prevent the transportation of coal – had been a notable success in the strike of 1974, and his forceful personality had brought him to national attention.

Scargill refused to entertain the idea of any pit closures save for those that posed safety risks. As far as he was concerned, there was no such thing as an unprofitable pit, and he saw McGregor’s proposed closures as a way for Thatcher to weaken the NUM, close down far more pits than McGregor was claiming and lead the way to privatisation. When a walkout at Cortonwood Colliery in South Yorkshire occurred on the 6th of March 1984, the Yorkshire branch of the NUM sanctioned a strike across the county. Scargill used this as an excuse to call for a nationwide strike. The fact that he had not called for a national ballot first would soon come back to haunt him.

With no national ballot, not everyone was on board with the idea of a UK-wide strike. While the miners of Kent, Scotland, the North East, Yorkshire and South Wales downed tools and took to the picket lines, their counterparts in the Nottinghamshire, Leicestershire, South Derbyshire and North Wales coalfields carried on working. This would lead to bitter tussles between miners who carried on working throughout the strike and pickets who were quick to label strikebreakers ‘scabs’.

IN THE 1970S, THE POLICE HAD TREATED THE MINERS WITH KID GLOVES. THIS TIME AROUND THE GLOVES WOULD BE OFF.

The NUM’s strategy for thwarting McGregor’s plan was simple. The aim was to shut down both coal production and its transportation to all but vital services such as hospitals and nursing homes. This had worked spectacularly well in the 1970s, but this time around McGregor and Thatcher were ready for the miners. Thatcher had secretly stockpiled supplies of both coal and coke in strategic sites around the country; her government had also entered into agreements with non-unionised haulage firms to break the pickets and carry the coal from storage facilities and coking plants to power stations and factories. This meant that, unlike in 1972 and 1974, there would be no power cuts and no forcing the government’s hand to come to the negotiating table. And Thatcher had another powerful weapon on her side – the police.

In the 1970s, the police had treated the miners with kid gloves. This time around the gloves would be off. Police from outside affected counties were bussed in to prevent picketing and strike action, and to ensure no disruption to supply lines. This led to violent clashes between the police and pickets, most notoriously at the Battle of Orgreave, where 5,000 miners faced a similar force of police officers. The police launched mounted truncheon charges against the miners, leading to 51 pickets and 72 police being injured.

The stalemate produced by Thatcher’s preparations ground on for a year. As the months went by, life for the miners and their families got progressively harder. A change in the law meant that the dependents of miners were not entitled to benefits, as they had been during the strikes of the 1970s. At first, this was not a problem as local union branches had deep pockets and could pay miners at least some of money they were no longer receiving from the NCB. However, as funds ran dry and families found it harder and harder to put food on the table, destitute miners started to trickle back to work through picket lines where they were branded ‘scabs’ and sometimes physically assaulted.

The strike was officially called to a halt on March the 3rd 1985. The pit closures the miners had fought so hard to prevent began in earnest. In 1984 there were 174 deep coal mines in the UK by 1994 – the year the industry was finally privatized – there were just 15 left.

WHERE ONCE THERE HAD BEEN A STEADY SOURCE OF EMPLOYMENT FOR GENERATIONS OF MEN, THERE WAS NOW NOTHING.

So, was it a good thing that the miners lost? From a purely economic point of view, it can be argued that it was. Deep mining for coal was already on its death bed by 1984 as cheaper exports from abroad combined with a reluctance on the part of government to continue with subsidies, a changing energy culture and a rising environmental movement all conspired against the industry. Coal was a profit-losing business in a country increasingly turning towards a services-led economy. Logically, coal mining had to go.

However, was it really right that almost an entire industry was completely obliterated, with nothing to replace it in so many places? Mines were the beating hearts of communities stretching from Scotland to Kent. Mining had provided generations with a steady income, homes for life and a strong sense of belonging. A whole culture and identity had grown around coal mining, and with the loss of

www.history.co.uk... miners-strike-but-at-what-cost

WILL WE EVER LEARN

At 52 years old I've talked a lot of s~~t and equally seen a lot too, but watching listening, and learning with an open mind,
has potentially I would think given me an unbiased un ego-driven realization of maybe what it is if all is in so few many hands along with streams of deep data about personality traits formulated from all the social media interactions.

Then really can it not be manipulated Duh .... But then if this is the case can it not then begin to bend the reality we all think we live in by construct..................who is married to a person that you really know or was it based on carnal instinct ??

Who really accepts another into a relationship by getting to know one another for say 2 or 3 years before making a bed partner of your life long lover of the person you accept.......... as your Husband Wife for life did you really know who they are within 2/3 months dependent on a few mad shags.

???? Point one of a messed up society...

point 2....

In the act the transitional sharing of the most inanimate energy between 2 humans what exactly are we giving and receiving to each other.. if one is in pain or trauma is that also shared with your partner internally and then externally sex and algorithms both penetrate regardless of the sex they work you in and out ????

interlude

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