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October 3, 2018 Press Release Department of Justice Collaborates With Canadian and Mexican Partners on Programs and Best Practices to Prevent and Respond to Violence Against Indigenous Women and Girls Press Release Leading Electrolytic Capacitor Manufacturer Ordered to Pay $60 Million Criminal Fine for Price Fixing
Press Release Massachusetts Man Sentenced to More than 17 Years in Prison for Cyberstalking Former Housemate and Others, Computer Hacking, Sending Child Pornography and Making Over 100 Hoax Bomb Threats
Press Release Honduran Man Sentenced to More Than Three Years in Prison for Conspiring to Launder Over $1 Million in Bribes and Funds Misappropriated from the Honduran Social Security Agency
Press Release Former Tallassee, Alabama, Police Officer Indicted for Civil Rights Violations and Obstruction of Justice
Press Release Statement of Assistant Attorney General Makan Delrahim Before the Senate Subcommittee on Antitrust, Competition Policy and Consumer Rights
Press Release Justice Department Awards More Than $30 Million to Project Safe Neighborhoods to Combat Violent Crime Speech Attorney General Sessions Delivers Remarks on Project Safe Neighborhoods’ Role in Violent Crime Reduction Across the United States
The mission of the National Security Division is to carry out the Department’s highest priority: protect the United States from threats to our national security by pursuing justice through the law. The NSD's organizational structure is designed to ensure greater coordination and unity of purpose between prosecutors and law enforcement agencies, on the one hand, and intelligence attorneys and the Intelligence Community, on the other, thus strengthening the effectiveness of the federal government's national security efforts.
originally posted by: JasonBillung
Looks like the DOJ indicted some more Russian spys who were involved in European hacking. The same ones who were involved in the US 2016 presidential election hacks that influenced the outcomes.
FOR SOME TIME, there has been a conflation of issues—the hacking and leaking of illegally obtained information versus propaganda and disinformation; cyber-security issues and the hacking of elections systems versus information operations and information warfare; paid advertising versus coercive messaging or psychological operations—when discussing “Russian meddling” in the 2016 US elections. The refrain has become: “There is no evidence that Russian efforts changed any votes.”
The Mueller indictment permanently demolishes the idea that the scale of the Russian campaign was not significant enough to have any impact on the American public. We are no longer talking about approximately $100,000 (paid in rubles, no less) of advertising grudgingly disclosed by Facebook, but tens of millions of dollars spent over several years to build a broad, sophisticated system that can influence American opinion.
The Russian efforts described in the indictment focused on establishing deep, authenticated, long-term identities for individuals and groups within specific communities. This was underlaid by the establishment of servers and VPNs based in the US to mask the location of the individuals involved. US-based email accounts linked to fake or stolen US identity documents (driver licenses, social security numbers, and more) were used to back the online identities. These identities were also used to launder payments through PayPal and cryptocurrency accounts. All of this deception was designed to make it appear that these activities were being carried out by Americans.
As the indictment lays out in thorough detail, the content pumped out by the Russians was not paid or promoted ads; it was so-called native content—including video, visual, memetic, and text elements designed to push narrative themes, conspiracies, and character attacks. All of it was designed to look like it was coming from authentic American voices and interest groups. And the IRA wasn’t just guessing about what worked. They used data-driven targeting and analysis to assess how the content was received, and they used that information to refine their messages and make them more effective.
Two separate hacks of Democratic Party emails — one purloining a trove of internal Democratic National Committee emails and one that stole a ton of correspondence from John Podesta’s personal Gmail account — were perpetrated over the course of 2016, by what are now believed to have been agents operating on behalf of the Russian government.
These emails were not immediately released, and they were not released by the hackers who obtained them. Instead, the emails were disseminated to the public by using Julian Assange and WikiLeaks as an intermediary.
Their releases also seemed strategically timed — the DNC emails disrupted efforts to create a show of unity between Hillary Clinton and Bernie Sanders at the beginning of the Democratic National Convention, while the Podesta emails were released right after the infamous Access Hollywood tape.
Trump and his campaign, at the time, believed these emails were a big deal and cited them frequently. Trump built substantial portions of his campaign messaging around narratives — typically half-true at best — contained in the emails, and made no bones about welcoming the hacking.
“WikiLeaks, I love WikiLeaks,” he said on several occasions on the campaign trail, and he also explicitly called on the Russian government to hack and release Hillary Clinton’s emails.
Trump also spent the 2016 campaign running an overtly pro-Russian campaign message, praising Vladimir Putin’s leadership, defending him from allegations of murdering his political opponents, and calling for a realignment of US strategy in Syria and Ukraine.