Present were Dr. Kaspar representing Krupp, Dr. Tolle representing Röchling, Dr. Sinceren representing Messerschmitt, Drs. Kopp, Vier, and Beerwanger representing Rheinmetall, Captain Haberkorn and Dr. Ruhe representing Bussing, Drs. Ellenmayer and Kardos representing Volkswagenwerk, engineers Drose, Yanchew, and Koppshem representing various factories in Posen, Poland (Drose, Yanchew, & Co., Brown-Boveri, Herkuleswerke, Buschwerke, and Stadtwerke); Dr. Meyer, an official of the German Naval Ministry in Paris; and Dr. Strossner of the Ministry of Armament, Paris.
Dr. Scheid also affirmed, “The ground must now be laid on the financial level for borrowing considerable sums from foreign countries after the war.” As an example of the kind of support that had been most useful to Germany in the past, Dr. Scheid cited the fact that “patents for stainless steel belonged to the Chemical Foundation, Inc., New York, and the Krupp Company of Germany, jointly, and that of the United States Steel Corporation, Carnegie, Illinois, American Steel & Wire, National Tube, etc., were thereby under an obligation to work with the Krupp concern.” He also cited the Zeiss Company, the Leica Company, and the Hamburg-Amerika Line as typical firms that had been especially effective in protecting German interests abroad. He gave New York addresses to the twelve men.
“Dr. Scheid, papers from his briefcase arranged neatly on the table before him, stated that all industrial materiel in France was to be evacuated to Germany immediately. ‘The battle of France is lost to Germany,’ he admitted, quoting Reichsleiter Bormann as his authority, ‘and now the defense of the Siegfried Line (and Germany itself) is the main problem. . . . From now on, Germany industry must take steps in preparation for a postwar commercial campaign, with each industrial firm making new contacts and alliances with foreign firms. This must be done individually and without attracting any suspicion. However, the party and the Third Reich will stand behind every firm with permissive and financial support.’ He assured those present that the frightening law of 1933 known as Treason Against the Nation, which mandated the death penalty for violation of foreign exchange regulations or concealing of foreign currency, was now null and void, on direct order of Reichsleiter Bormann.”
Hamburg-Amerika Line’s operations in the U.S. were controlled by the grandfather and great grandfather of George W. Bush -- part of the Bush family’s business operations on behalf of the Third Reich and NWO.
---(from Manning’s book published in 1981, ‘Martin Bormann: Nazi in Exile’)
“Dr. Scheid also affirmed, ‘The ground must now be laid on the financial level for borrowing considerable sums from foreign countries after the war.’ As an example of the kind of support that had been most useful to Germany in the past, Dr. Scheid cited the fact that ‘patents for stainless steel belonged to the Chemical Foundation, Inc. New York, and the Krupp Company of Germany, jointly, and that of the United States Steel Corporation, Carnegie, Illinois, American Steel & Wire, National Tube, etc., were thereby under an obligation to work with the Krupp concern.’ He also cited the Zeiss Company, the Leica Company, and the Hamburg-Amerika line as typical firms that had been especially effective in protecting German interests abroad. He gave New York addresses to the twelve men.”
Following lunch, several, including Dr. Scheid, left for the Rhine and Germany, where they would spread the word among their peers in industry about the new industrial goals for the postwar years.
A smaller conference in the afternoon was presided over by Dr. Bosse of the German Armaments Ministry. It was attended only by representatives of Hecko, Krupp, and Röchling. Dr. Bosse restated Bormann’s belief that the war was all but lost, but that it would be continued by Germany until certain goals to insure the economic resurgence of Germany after the war had been achieved. He added that German industrialists must be prepared to finance the continuation of the Nazi Party, which would be forced to go underground.
“From now on, the government in Berlin will allocate large sums to industrialists so that each can establish a secure postwar foundation in foreign countries. Existing financial reserves in foreign countries must be placed at the disposal of the party in order that a strong German empire can be created after defeat. It is almost immediately required,” he continued, “that the large factories in Germany establish small technical offices or research bureaus which will be absolutely independent and have no connection with the factory. These bureaus will receive plans and drawings of new weapons, as well as documents which they will need to continue their research. These special offices are to be established in large cities where security is better, although some might be formed in small villages near sources of hydroelectric power, where these party members can pretend to be studying the development of water resources for benefit of any Allied investigators.”
Dr. Bosse stressed that knowledge of these technical bureaus would be held only by a very few persons in each industry and by chiefs of the Nazi Party. Each office would have a liaison agent representing the party and its leader, Reichsleiter Bormann. “As soon as the party becomes strong enough to reestablish its control over Germany, the industrialists will be paid for their effort and cooperation by concessions and orders.”
At both morning and afternoon conferences, it was emphasized that the existing prohibition against the export of capital “is now completely withdrawn and replaced by a new Nazi policy, in which industrialists with government assistance (Bormann to be the guiding leader) will export as much of their capital as possible, capital meaning money, bonds, patents, scientists, and administrators. Bosse urged the industrialists to proceed immediately to get their capital outside Germany. “The freedom thus given to German industrialists further cements their relations with the party by giving them a measure of protection in future efforts at home and overseas.”
From this day, German industrial firms of all rank were to begin placing their funds—and, wherever possible, key manpower— abroad, especially in neutral countries. Dr. Bosse advised that “two main banks can be used for the export of funds for firms who have made no prior arrangements: the Basler Handelsbank and the Schweizerische Kreditanstalt of Zurich.” He also stated, “There are a number of agencies in Switzerland which for a five percent commission will buy property in Switzerland for German firms, using Swiss cloaks.”
Reichsleiter Martin Bormann himself had ordered the conference, and although he would not physically be present he had confided to Dr. Scheid, who was to preside, “The steps to be taken as a result of this meeting will determine the postwar future of Germany.” The Reichsleiter had added, “German industry must realize that the war cannot now be won, and must take steps to prepare for a postwar commercial campaign which will in time insure the economic resurgence of Germany.” It was August 10, 1944.
“The movement of German assets into Switzerland had also gone well, Bormann noted from his reports. Flight capital investments had been accomplished principally through the establishment of subsidiaries of powerful German firms. Over half of the total German capital in Switzerland was used in setting up holding companies representing I.G. Farben, Merck, Siemens, Osram, Henkel, and others. A holding company may not trade in any form. It may only hold stock in other companies, but through this device the existing German firms, and the 750 new corporations established under the Bormann program, gave themselves absolute control over a postwar economic network of viable, prosperous companies that stretched from the Ruhr to the ‘neutrals’ of Europe and to the countries of South America; a control that continues today and is easily maintained through the bearer bonds or shares issued by these corporations to cloak for real ownership. Bearer shares require no registration of identity, for such shares are exactly what they mean; the bearer of the majority shares controls the company without needing a vestige of proof as to how he acquired them. Thus the Germans who participated as a silent force in Bormann’s postwar commercial campaign—which is sometimes referred to by aging nazis as ‘Operation Eagle’s Flight’ or ‘Aktion Adlerflug’-insured their command over the industrial and financial institutions that were to move the new Federal Republic of Germany back into the forefront of world economic leadership.”
“Seven hundred and fifty new corporations were established in the last months of the war under the direction of Reichsleiter Bormann, using the technique perfected by Hermann Schmitz [of I.G. Farben]. A national of each country was the nominal head of each corporate structure and the board was a mix of German administrators and bank officials, while the staffing at senior and middle management levels was comprised of German scientists and technicians. In the background were the shadowy owners of the corporation, those Germans who possessed the bearer bonds as proof of stock ownership. The establishment of such companies, usually launched in industries requiring high technical skills was welcomed in Spain and Argentina, to give two examples because those governments appreciated that German companies would generate jobs and implement a more favorable balance of trade. Country by country, a breakdown by U.S. treasury investigators of these new 750 German firms was as follows: Portugal, 58; Spain, 112; Sweden, 233; Switzerland, 214; Turkey, 35; Argentina, 98."
“In addition to overseeing his 750 new corporations, Martin Bormann was also kept apprised of I.G. Farben’s activities in neutral countries, as well as the intensified activities of other major firms that were utilizing the new Bormann policy of transferring Third Reich money to subsidiaries. Farben had eight subsidiaries in Argentina, three in Portugal, four in Sweden, six in Switzerland, and fourteen in Spain. A.E.G., the giant electrical equipment manufacturer had six subsidiaries in Argentina, three affiliates in Spain, and four in Sweden. In brief, every major German corporation with an international operation strengthened its branches, subsidiaries, and affiliates with an influx of new money and talent that included scientists and technicians arriving weekly ready to perform laboratory research in Spain and Buenos Aires.”
“Powerful friends of the Bormann organization in all Western countries, including those sprinkled in control points throughout the administration in Washington and in the financial and brokerage businesses of Wall Street, the City of London, and the Paris establishment, did not wish a coordinated drive to get at these external German assets. They had understandable reasons, if you overlook morality: the financial benefits for cooperation (collaboration had become an old-hat term with the war winding down) were very enticing, depending on one’s importance and ability to be of service to the organization and the 750 corporations they were secretly manipulating, to say nothing of the known multinationals such as I.G. Farben, Thyssen A.G., and Siemens; and, as a second reason, the philosophy of free enterprise and preservation of private property.”
“In testimony later given to Nuremberg investigators, Schmitz praised Bormann for the way he had directed the distribution of German assets around the world. His own Farben organization had, of course, contributed to the success of the operation. Every regional representative working for Hermann Schmitz was an exceptional businessman, or he would not have been with I.G. All had contributed sound advice in their areas of competence, the regions of the world where they represented Farben while keeping an eye on the subsidiaries of the parent concern and the 700 hidden corporations they controlled. They had provided assistance and continuing guidance in establishing the 750 new companies created on order of Bormann, who wanted more than hidden assets; Bormann wanted the money and patents and technicians put to work to create even greater assets that would bolster Germany in the postwar years. In their meeting in the chancellery, both men checked over the figures of sums disbursed, and they were accurate to the pfennig.”
“The Reichsleiter asked Schmitz his views of the future. Schmitz replied, ‘The occupation armies will be understanding in the West, but certainly not in the East. I have instructed all Farben administrators and technicians to come to the West, where they can be of use in resuming our operations once the disturbances of 1945 come to a halt.’ Schmitz added that, while general bomb damage to the I.G. plants was about 25 percent of capacity, some were untouched. He mentioned speaking with Field Marshal Model, who was commanding the defenses of the Ruhr. ‘Model had planned to turn our Bayer-Leberkusen pharmaceutical factory into an artillery base, but he agreed to make it an open, undefended factory. Hopefully, we will get it back untouched.’ ‘What about your board of directors and the essential executives? If they are held by the occupation authorities, can I.G. continue?’ Bormann asked. ‘We can continue. We have an operational plan for such a contingency, which everyone understands. However, I don’t believe our board members will be detained too long. Nor will I. But we must go through a procedure of investigation before release, so I have been told by our N.W. 7 people who have excellent contacts in Washington.’”
“Schmitz also told Bormann of his visit to Switzerland earlier in the month. ‘Germany will have a poor image problem this time. Much worse than after the First World War. It can all be placed on the doorsteps of Goering, Himmler, and Heydrich. Goering and Himmler thought up the Final Solution for the Jews, and Heydrich made it a fact.’ Bormann agreed, asking, ‘How does that affect I.G.?’ ‘We produced the poison gas on Himmler’s orders,’ Schmitz explained, ‘so I’ve been making some corporate name changes in Basel, which may help our overseas situation.’”
“The Bormann organization continues to wield enormous economic influence. Wealth continues to flow into the treasuries of its corporate entities in South America, the United States, and Europe. Vastly diversified, it is said to be the largest land-owner in South America, and through stockholdings, controls German heavy industry and the trust established by the late Hermann Schmitz, former president of I.G. Farben, who held as much stock in Standard Oil of New Jersey as did the Rockefellers.”
“With such funds accumulating rapidly in Spain, Portugal, Sweden, Switzerland, and Argentina, Bormann and his group, who were handling the fortunes of 750 new corporations, would use these corporations in neutral countries as cloaks for investing in American companies. Bormann always had a high regard for U.S. blue chip stocks as a stable investment consistently purchasing a vast number of shares from the European offices of such New York stock brokerage houses as Merrill, Lynch on behalf of the Reich chancellery and Hitler, until war became official between the United States and Germany and the buying stopped, for a time.”
“In 1941, investments in U.S. corporations by German companies and assorted German individuals held voting ownership in 170; minority ownership was held in another 108 American companies. These businesses covered the following fields: manufacturing, foodstuffs, chemicals, electrical and automobile equipment, machinery and machine equipment, other metal products); petroleum production, refining and distribution; finance; trade; and miscellaneous.” … “American industry, of course, had a financial stake in German industry. In the same year, 1941, 171 U.S. corporations had major investments in German firms amounting to $420 million. A listing of these corporations is identical to the general categories under German ownership in the United States.”
“In the years before the war, the German businessmen, industrialists, and bankers had established close ties with their counterparts in France. After the blitzkrieg and invasion, the same Frenchmen in many cases went on working with their German peers. They didn’t have much choice, to be sure, and the occupation being instituted, very few in the high echelons of commerce and finance failed to collaborate. The Third Republic’s business elite was virtually unchanged after 1940 . . . They regarded the war and Hitler as an unfortunate diversion from their chief mission of preventing a communist revolution in France. Antibolshevism was a common denominator linking these Frenchmen to Germans, and it accounted for a volunteer French division on the Eastern Front. . .The upper-class men who had been superbly trained in finance and administration at one of the two grand corps schools were referred to as France’s permanent ‘wall of money,’ and as professionals they came into their own in 1940. They agreed to the establishment of German subsidiary firms in France and permitted a general buy-in to French companies.”
“Society’s natural survivors, French version, who had served the Third Reich as an extension of German industry, would continue to do so in the period of postwar trials, just as they had survived the war, occupation, and liberation. These were many of the French elite, the well-born, the propertied, the titled, the experts, industrialists, businessmen, bureaucrats, bankers. . . .Economic collaboration in France with the Germans had been so widespread (on all levels of society) that there had to be a realization that an entire nation could not be brought to trial. Only a few years before, there had been many a sincere and well-meaning Frenchman—as in Belgium, England, and throughout Europe - who believed National Socialism to be the wave of the future, indeed, the only hope for curing the many desperate social, political, and economic ills of the time. France, along with other occupied countries, did contribute volunteers for the fight against Russia. Then there were many other Frenchmen, the majority, who resignedly felt there was no way the Germans could be pushed back across the Rhine."
“The characteristic secrecy surrounding the actions of German industrialists and bankers during the final nine months of the war, when Bormann’s flight capital program held their complete attention, was also carried over into the postwar years, when they began pulling back the skeins of economic wealth and power that stretched out to neutral nations of the world and to formerly occupied lands. There was a suggestion of this in France. Flora Lewis, writing from Paris in the New York Times of August 28, 1972, told of her conversation with a French publisher: ‘It would not be possible to trace ownership of corporations and the power structure as in the United States. ‘They’ would not permit it. ‘They’ would find a way to hound and torture anyone who tried,’ commented the publisher. ‘They’ seem to be a fairly small group of people who know each other, but many are not at all known to the public. ‘They’ move in and out of government jobs, but public service apparently serves to win private promotion rather than the other way around. The Government ‘control’ that practically everyone mentions cannot be traced through stock holdings, regulatory agencies, public decisions. It seems to function through a maze of personal contacts and tacit understandings.’ The understandings arrived at in the power structure of France reach back to prewar days, were continued during the occupation, and have carried over to the present time. Lewis, in her report from Paris, commented further: ‘This hidden control of government and corporations has produced a general unease in Paris.’ Along with the unease, the fact that France has lingering and serious social and political ailments is a residue of World War II and of an economic occupation that was never really terminated with the withdrawal of German troops beyond the Rhine. It was this special economic relationship between German and French industrialists that made it possible for Friedrich Flick to arrange with the De-Wendel steel firm in France for purchase of his shares in his Ruhr coal combine for $45 million, which was to start him once more on the road back to wealth and power, after years in prison following his conviction at Nuremberg. West Germany’s economic power structure is fueled by a two-tier system: the corporations and individuals who publicly represent the products that are common household names around the world, and the secretive groups operating in the background as holding companies and who pull the threads of power in overseas corporations established during the Bormann tenure in the Third Reich. As explained to me, ‘These threads are like the strands of a spider’s web and no one knows where they lead - except the inner circle of the Bormann organization in South America.’"
"The file revealed that he had been banking under his own name from his office in Germany in Deutsche Bank of Buenos Aires since 1941; that he held one joint account with the Argentinean dictator Juan Peron, and on August 4, 5 and 14, 1967, had written checks on demand accounts in first National City Bank (Overseas Division) of New York, The Chase Manhattan Bank, and Manufacturers Hanover Trust Co., all cleared through Deutsche Bank of Buenos Aires."
“During years of research for this book, I have become aware of Heinrich Mueller and his security force, which provides protection for the leadership in Latin America and wherever else they may travel to Europe and to the United States to check on investments and profits. Through intermediaries, I have attempted unceasingly to penetrate to the central core of the organization in South America, but have been denied access. At the last meeting that I know about, it was voted: ‘Herr Manning’s writing would focus undue attention on our activities and his request must once again be denied.’ The elderly leaders, including Reichminister Bormann, who is now eighty, wanted me on the scene to write of their side of the story, above all his story, of one of the most amazing and successful financial and industrial cloaking actions in history, of which he is justifiably proud. I had sent word to Bormann that the true story, his firsthand account, should become a matter of historical record, and stated that I would be agreeable to writing it if I could tell his true story, warts and all.”
“Back came the word: ‘You are a free world journalist, and can write as you think best. We, too, are interested only in truth.’ They agreed to my request to bring along a three-man camera crew from CBS News to film my conversations with Martin Bormann, and even approved my wish for at least a personal thumbprint of the former Reichsleiter and party minister, which would be positive proof of his identity. At the organization’s request, I sent the background, names, photos and credentials of the particular CBS cameramen: Lawrence Walter Pierce, Richard Henry Perez, and Oden Lester Kitzmiller, an award-winning camera crew (which got the exclusive film coverage of the attempted assassination of Governor George Wallace when he was running for president).”
“I am sorry to say that the younger leaders , the ones now in virtual command, voted ‘No.’ They did agree, however that 232 historical documents from World War II, which Bormann had had shipped out of Berlin in the waning days of the war, and which are stored in his archives in South America, could be sent to me anonymously, to be published. They said their lengthy investigation of me had produced confidence that I was an objective journalist, as well as a brave one, for their probing stretched back to World War II days, and up to the present.”
“Heinrich Mueller, now seventy-nine years old, who also serves as keeper of these archives as well as chief of all security for the NSDAP, rejected this decision: when the courier reached the Buenos Aires international airport bearing these documents for me he was relieved of them by the Argentine secret police acting under an initiative from Mueller.”
“As Mueller had explained previously, he had nothing against me personally; I had been cleared of any ‘strange connections’ by his agents in New York City, whose surveillance efforts were supplemented by the old pros of the Gestapo, up from South America to assist in watching me. This continued intermittently for years, and efforts were stepped up in response to the intensity of my investigations. The statement I had originally made to their representatives in West Germany, that I was only a diligent journalist trying to dig out an important story, finally proved satisfactory to them. I observed that Mueller hadn’t lost his touch in the field of surveillance, judging by the quality, skill, and number of men and women who tracked me, at what must have been enormous cost, wherever I went in New York City, Washington, and overseas.”
“Israeli agents who move too closely to these centers of power are eliminated. One such termination was Fritz Bauer, formerly attorney general for the State of Hesse in Frankfurt, a survivor of Auschwitz and the man who tipped off the Israeli Mossad about the presence of Adolf Eichmann in Buenos Aires, who was killed on orders of General Mueller. . . .Mueller’s ruthlessness even today is what deters Artur Axmann from altering his testimony that he saw Bormann lying dead on the roadway the night of their escape from the Fuehrerbunker, May 1-2, 1945. . . .To this day, Axmann, the only so-called living witness to the ‘death’ of Bormann in Berlin, knows his life is in jeopardy if he reverses himself. General Mueller is thorough and has a long memory, and for a Nazi such as Axmann to go against Mueller’s original directive would make him a traitor; retribution would surely follow.”
“Since the founding of Israel, the Federal Republic of Germany had paid out 85.3 billion marks, by the end of 1977, to survivors of the Holocaust. East Germany ignores any such liability. From South America, where payment must be made with subtlety, the Bormann organization has made a substantial contribution. It has drawn many of the brightest Jewish businessmen into a participatory role in the development of many of its corporations, and many of these Jews share their prosperity most generously with Israel. If their proposals are sound, they are even provided with a specially dispensed venture capital fund. I spoke with one Jewish businessman in Hartford, Connecticut. He had arrived there quite unknown several years before our conversation, but with Bormann money as his leverage. Today he is more than a millionaire, a quiet leader in the community with a certain share of his profits earmarked, as always, for his venture capital benefactors. This has taken place in many other instances across America and demonstrates how Bormann’s people operate in the contemporary commercial world, in contrast to the fanciful nonsense with which Nazis are described in so much ‘literature.’ So much emphasis is placed on select Jewish participation in Bormann companies that when Adolf Eichmann was seized and taken to Tel Aviv to stand trial, it produced a shock wave in the Jewish and German communities of Buenos Aires. Jewish leaders informed the Israeli authorities in no uncertain terms that this must never happen again because a repetition would permanently rupture relations with the Germans of Latin America, as well as with the Bormann organization, and cut off the flow of Jewish money to Israel. It never happened again, and the pursuit of Bormann quieted down at the request of these Jewish leaders. He is residing in an Argentine safe haven, protected by the most efficient German infrastructure in history as well as by all those whose prosperity depends on his well-being. Personal invitation is the only way to reach him."
“A revealing insight into this international financial and industrial network was given me by a member of the Bormann organization residing in West Germany. Meyer Lansky, he said, the financial advisor to the Las Vegas—Miami underworld sent a message to Bormann through my West German SS contact. Lansky promised that if he received a piece of Bormann’s action he would keep the Israeli agents off Bormann’s back. ‘I have a very good relation with the Israeli secret police’ was his claim, although he was to be kicked out of Israel when his presence became too noted—and also at the urging of Bormann’s security chief in South America. At the time Lansky was in the penthouse suite of Jerusalem’s King David Hotel, in which he owned stock. He had fled to Israel to evade a U.S. federal warrant for his arrest. He sent his message to Bormann through his bag man in Switzerland, John Pullman, also wanted in the United States on a federal warrant. Lansky told Pullman to make this offer ‘which he can’t refuse.’ The offer was forwarded to Buenos Aires, where it was greeted with laughter. When the laughter died down, it was replaced with action. Meyer was evicted from Israel and was told by Swiss authorities to stay out of their country, so he flew to South America. There he offered any president who would give him asylum a cool $1 million in cash. He was turned down everywhere and had to continue his flight to Miami, where U.S. marshals, alerted, were waiting to take him into custody.”
“The Bormann organization has the ultimate in clout and substance, and no one can tamper with it. I have been told: ‘You cannot push these people. If you do it can be extremely risky.’ Knowing their heritage I take this statement at face value.”
“A former CIA contract pilot, who once flew the run into Paraguay and Argentina to the Bormann ranch described the estate as remote, ‘worth your life unless you entered their air space with the right identification codes.”
“The Bormann organization had many commercial and political links to the capitals of these three nations, and real clout was available should the chase become too hot. The CIA could have pulled aside the gray curtain that obscured Bormann—at any time. But the CIA and Mueller’s crack organization of former SS men found it to their mutual advantage to cooperate in many situations. There is no morality in the sense that most of us know it in the strange world of professional secrecy, and when it was to the advantage of each to work together they did so.” … “Even General Gehlen, when he was chief of the Federal Republic’s intelligence service, sent his agents to confer with General Heinrich Mueller in South America.”
"This man, who legally succeeded Hitler and therefore is the leader of over several million NSDAP members in south America and Germany, demonstrated the ultimate in clout in 1971, when he summoned the president of the Federal Republic of Germany, then Walter Scheel, and the latter’s wife Mildred, to Bolivia, whence they quickly returned to Europe with a newly adopted one-year-old boy who bore the first name Simon-Martin. The child, now eleven years of age, is being reared and educated in one of Germany’s most influential families. The belief is, of course, that he is a son of Martin Bormann, who insisted that this child of his old age he brought up as an upper-class German in his fatherland and receive appropriate advantages befitting a son of the leading Nazi."
“. . .were he to emerge, it would embarrass the governments that assisted in his escape, the industrial and financial leaders who benefited from his acumen and transferred their capital to neutral nations in the closing days of World War II, and the businessmen of four continents who profited from the 750 corporations he established throughout the world as depositories of money, patents, bearer bonds, and shares in blue chip industries of the United States and Europe. . . When I penetrated the silence cloaking this story, after countless interviews and laborious research in German and American archives for revealing documents of World War II, I knew that the Bormann saga of flight capital and his escape to South America was really true. It had been covered up by an unparalleled manipulation of public opinion and the media. The closer I got to the truth, the more quiet attention I received from the forces surrounding and protecting Martin Bormann, and also from those who had a direct interest in halting my investigation. Over the period of years it took to research this book, I was the object of diligent observation by squads of Gestapo agents dispatched from South America by General ‘Gestapo’ Muller, who directs all security matters for Martin Bormann, Nazi in exile, and his organization, the most remarkable business group anywhere in the secret world of today. Mueller’s interest in me, an American journalist, confirmed the truth of my many interviews and my ongoing investigation. . .There are also those in international government and business who have attempted to stop my forward movement on this investigation. In Germany, France, England, and the United States, too many leaders in government and finance still adhere to Winston Churchill’s statement to his Cabinet in 1943 ‘In wartime, truth is so precious that she should always be attended by a bodyguard of lies’ . . .Oddly, I encountered less resistance from Martin Bormann and his aging peers than I did from the cover-up groups in West Germany, Paris, London, Washington, and Wall Street."
"Atop an organizational pyramid that dominates the industry of West Germany through banks, voting rights enjoyed by majority shareholders in significant cartels, and the professional input of a relatively young leadership group of lawyers, investment specialists, bankers, and industrialists, he is satisfied that he achieved his aim of helping the Fatherland back on its feet. To ensure continuity of purpose and direction, a close watch is maintained on the profit statements and management reports of corporations under its control elsewhere. This leadership group of twenty, which is in fact a board of directors, is chaired by Bormann, but power has shifted to the younger men who will carry on the initiative that grew from that historic meeting in Strasbourg on August 10, 1944. Old Heinrich Mueller, chief of security for the NSDAP in South America, is the most feared of all, having the power of life and death over those deemed not to be acting in the best interests of the organization. Some still envision a Fourth Reich. . .What will not pass is the economic influences of the Bormann organization, whose commercial directives are obeyed almost without question by the highest echelons of West German finance and industry. ‘All orders come from the shareholders in South America,’ I have been told by a spokesman for Martin Bormann."
Deutche Bank entered on time cash payments late, racking up late fees and lawyer fees, refused payments causing even more late fees, then filed foreclosure papers with the court system in my county and TRIED TO TAKE MY HOME!!!! Orlando Florida
Update of December 24, 2007: As the subprime foreclosure wave continues to gather strength, a major Wall Street (and Frankfurt) player, DEUTSCHE BANK National Trust Company, has issued a memorandum purporting to urge its servicers to exercise restraint or at least discretion in evicting tenants from rental properties, and, apparently most important to it, to never include the name DEUTSCHE BANK on any foreclosure or eviction filing without emphasizing that DB is only the trustee. Of course, it's an enabling role that DEUTSCHE BANK chose and profits from. But DEUTSCHE BANK wants it both ways. At least the memo has DEUTSCHE BANK National Trust e DB memo online, here www.innercitypress.org...
Yesterday, the New York Times reported that an Ohio federal judge dismissed 14 foreclosure cases brought on behalf of DEUTCHE BANK National Trust Company for a similar reason: Judge Christopher Boyko ruled that the bank had failed to prove it owned the properties it was trying to seize. The bank is trustee for securitization pools which claim to hold mortgages underlying the foreclosed properties.
July 30 (Bloomberg) -- Deutsche Bank AG analyst Eugene Xu recognized a financial train wreck in the making two years ago when he predicted ``quite probable'' losses from the least creditworthy home loans in America's runaway property market. Now Germany's largest bank is poised to reap a bonanza of at least $270 million and as much as $540 million from a strategy that enabled its traders to sell subprime mortgage loans with derivatives contracts that appreciated as the U.S. housing market suffered its worst slump in 16 years. ``It was definitely a good trade,'' said Thomas Radinger, who helps manage about $96 billion at Pioneer Investments in Munich and holds Deutsche Bank shares. While mortgage-related losses staggered Zurich-based UBS AG and London-based HSBC Holdings Plc, Frankfurt-based Deutsche Bank may report Aug. 1 that second-quarter net income rose 19 percent, according to the median estimate of 19 analysts surveyed by Bloomberg.
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Deutsche Bank Berkshire Mortgage (DBBM), a business unit of Commercial Real Estate, is a recognized industry leader in multifamily financing and origination for Fannie Mae, Freddie Mac and FHA with access to the world class real estate platform of Deutsche Bank. Through two entities, Deutsche Bank Berkshire Mortgage, Inc. (origination) and DB Mortgage Services, LLC. (servicing and asset management), we combine our experience, personal commitment, and integrity to deliver innovative financing solutions to our borrowers. In 2006, we closed approximately US$4.9 billion in mortgage originations with a servicing portfolio of approximately US$20 billion. Currently our Fannie Mae Servicing Portfolio exceeds US$12 billion..
West Germany’s economic power structure is fueled by a two-tier system: the corporations and individuals who publicly represent the products that are common household names around the world, and the secretive groups operating in the background as holding companies and who pull the threads of power in overseas corporations established during the Bormann tenure in the Third Reich.
The economic penetration of the neutral nations was handled differently by German corporations and banks. They continued to move in tandem, LG. Farben and Friedrich Krupp, A.G., to name only two major ones with worldwide interests, and manufactured and sold their products while participating banks handled the funding and the collection of money, according to terms of contracts between manufacturer and principal.
On the industrial front, however, Germany was winning hands down. Almost all sections of the Spanish chemical and pharmaceutical industry came under the control of I.G. Farbenindustrie. It controlled many Spanish firms directly or through Unicolor S.A. I.G. Farben owned 51 percent of the stock in Sociedad Electro-Quimica de Flix, whose manufacturing processes were under license from I.G. Quimica Commercial y Farmaceutica S.A. was a subsidiary of I.G. Farben and distributed the Bayer line of medical products in Spain.
German economic penetration of Portugal was limited. In 1944 prewar investments in mining gave way to the purchase of properties in the cities of Portugal. I.G. Farben did not manufacture in Portugal, merely marketing pharmaceutical specialties through their Bayer Ltda., in Lisbon and Oporto. The most important German manufacturer in Portugal was the electrical firm of Siemens Companhia de Electricidad S.A.R.L., a division of the Siemens group of Germany.
Bormann's Four-Year Plan proceeded like clockwork in Western Europe, and the Germans made a special effort to apply the same to the countries of southeastern Europe.
In 1941, when German armies slashed through the Balkans to the Aegean in five weeks, the administrators of the Four-Year Plan moved to exploit this region in a businesslike manner. They carried out the financing and development of important raw materials in Yugoslavia, Romania, and Bulgaria. For this they utilized the skills of German industrial firms to extract maximum benefits from the mining, steel, and petroleum industries. DEUTSCHE BANK, Dresdner Bank, and Commerzbank had already gained majority control of the principal banks and industrial corporations of these countries by buying sufficient shares from their principal shareowners, French and Belgian banks.
German banks administered 70 percent of the capital of all German stock companies. At the same time, many large corporations held large blocks of stock in the banks that served them.
While the Big Three of German banking were vital to the funding of the German war machine, both before and during the war, DEUTSCHE BANK was much more so, for it was the' lead bank in establishing economic authority over the banks ' and corporations of the occupied countries.
When the German armies were preparing to invade the Lowlands and France, DEUTSCHE BANK submitted to the Ministry of Economics its plan for insuring economic control over nations about to be overrun by the Wehrmacht. Like I.G. Farben and its "New Order" for the European chemical business, DEUTSCHE BANK's plan was also named NEUORDNUNG. It was approved by the Ministry of Economics and the Reichsbank, and when German armies moved DEUTSCHE BANK followed.
Bank chairmen were consulted by the Nazi Party on every economic and financial question that arose. Baron Kurt von Schroeder, a well-known banker of Cologne during these years and an economic advisor to Bormann's economic committee, commented that Dr. Hermann Josef Abs, chairman of DEUTSCHE BANK, was particularly important to the government of the Third Reich. "His influence was mainly with the Reichsbank and with the Ministry of Economics. Abs proved very valuable to the party and to the government by using his bank to assist the government in doing business in the occupied countries and in other foreign countries. Abs enjoyed excellent relations with Walther Funk, who was both president of the Reichsbank and head of the Ministry of Economics."
Walther Funk stated that the bankers and banks of greatest importance in German financial affairs abroad were "Abs (DEUTSCHE BANK), Goetz or Rasche (Dresdner Bank), Rodewald (Reichskreditgesellschaft), Radort (Aerobank)." Funk added that this last-named bank, the Bank der Luftfahrt (Aerobank), "confined its activities largely to the monetary affairs of France and Norway.
But DEUTSCHE BANK and the Dresdner Bank had few limitations on their activities, due to their worldwide associations and prestige in finance." Even within their own organization, much of their personnel reflected the Nazi Party. Branch managers of DEUTSCHE BANK were to a man members of the party; of course, management insisted that all be first-class bankers, men who had come up through the DEUTSCHE BANK ranks to positions of authority.
The Martin Bormann Nazi Party Committee on Banking consisted of ten district industrialists and bankers. The chairman of the committee was Hellmut Boernicke, who was general manager of the Brandenburger Provincial Bank and on the board of DEUTSCHE BANK. Another member was Heinrich Huncke, who was president of the Chamber of Commerce in Berlin, on the management committee of DEUTSCHE BANK, and an economic advisor of the Berlin district of the National Socialist Party. This banking committee not only had government access to all German bank operations and a degree of control, but it also placed representatives on the boards of each bank.
In Belgium, control was assumed by establishing banking subsidiaries of the big German ones, which also bought majority control of existing Belgian banks. The DEUTSCHE BANK already had its own branch in Brussels and was doing business as usual on May 19, 1940, when German troops marched into the city and proceeded to give a band concert in the Grande Place-it being a sunny afternoon. Dresdner Bank bought majority interest in Banque Continentale of Brussels and Antwerp; the Bank der Deutschen Arbeit bought into Banque de 1'Ouest in Brussels; Commerzbank moved in on Banque Hanseatique of Brussels.
In Holland, German banking exploitation was achieved simply by having the DEUTSCHE BANK, which had long been interested in Handelmaatsschappj, increase its holdings in H. Albert de Bary & Co., Inc. The Berliner Handelsgesellschaft increased its holdings in the Hollandsche Koopmansbank. The Bank der Deutschen Luftfahrt acquired all shares in N.V. Hollandsche Buitenland Bank, while several other German financial institutions secured majority shares in Rodius Koenigs Handel Maatschappin. Three subsidiaries were established by Dresdner Bank.
In Holland, because the big local banks did not have stock ownership of the firms they financed, DEUTSCHE BANK specialists approached the industrial problem in a different way. They bought into the key firms much as they would go about negotiating a takeover in peacetime, except that their hole card was the German army.
DEUTSCHE BANK bought majority control of Bohmische Union Bank of Prague and the Banca Commerciale Romana of Bucharest and 30 percent ownership of the Banque Generale de Luxembourg. It purchased controlling shares from banks in Belgium and Paris, which up to that time had owned these banks of Prague, Bucharest, and Luxembourg. The Societe Generale de Belgique of Brussels and the Banque de l'Union Parisien of Paris, which owned these banks, sold their shares to DEUTSCHE BANK. In much the same way, this German bank bought majority stock from Belgian and French majority shareowners of Columbia Oil and Concordia Oil, both Romanian joint stock companies operating these oil-producing plants of Romania.
In Paris the usual direct penetration took place by shareowner control of such as Worms et Cie. (now Banque Worms Group), the Banque de Paris et des Pays-Bas, Banque Nationale, pour le Commerce et l'Industrie (now Banque Nationale de' Paris), and Banque de l'Indo Chine (now Banque de 1'Indo Chine et de Suez Group).
On May 23, 1940, all French banks operated under the German banking administration, and fiscal operations came under the supervision of Berlin auditors. When the Japanese bombed Pearl Harbor on. December 7, 1941, and President Roosevelt announced that the United States was at war with Japan and Germany, the branches of American banks in France came under German control and were closed, except for two American banks: Morgan et Cie., and Chase of New York. Both received this special treatment through the intercession of Dr. Hermann Josef Abs of DEUTSCHE BANK, financial advisor to the German government. According to U.S. Treasury agent reports, the favorable treatment was due to an "understanding relationship" between Lord Shawcross and Dr. Abs. Sort of an "old school tie," an unspoken understanding among international bankers that wars may come and may go but the flux of wealth goes on forever.
Commerce and industry had to go on, and profits had to flow with benefit to all involved parties and shareholders, if a common market under German direction were to succeed and communism were to be held back. Once Martin Bormann had the German banks assume majority control of the fiscal apparatus of each overrun country and of the corporations of special worth to them, the German "Four-Year Plan" was the next step in total administration, determining precisely which individuals were to direct these enterprises in the occupied areas; also, into which German sphere of requirement such should fall.
Although British intelligence had penetrated the German General Staff, it is equally true that General Mueller had his mole inside Britain's Secret Intelligence Service, a fact unknown to either the British or Admiral Canaris of the Abwehr, who was leaking information secretly to General Sir Stewart Graham Menzies, head of MI-6.
General Mueller's agent was Charles Howard Ellis, a top-level British career intelligence officer who also served as a Nazi double agent throughout World War II. At the time of his tip-off to General Mueller, Ellis was in New York as second in command to Sir William Stephenson ("A Man Called Intrepid"), who was doing his best to move the U.S. into war against Germany with a combined propaganda and British spy operation and who later assisted in the formation and training of the American OSS. Charles Ellis learned of the Roosevelt-Churchill telephone conversations from Stephenson, a frequent visitor to the White House. Ellis sent his message to Mueller through Gestapo channels via Mexico City to Buenos Aires, where it was beamed to Hamburg by one of the clandestine German transmitters in that capital. The Ellis report was quickly taken by General Mueller to Reichsleiter Bormann, who promptly told Hitler about it. The Fuehrer ordered Bormann to do whatever was necessary to unscramble these conversations and provide him with transcripts within hours of their occurrence.
The two principal German banks, DEUTSCHE BANK and Dresdner Bank, had assumed 73 percent ownership of the Banque Generale de Luxembourg and the Banque International de Luxembourg in May 1940. They bought majority shares of the two Luxembourg banks from the Belgian and French banks, where they had increased their shareholdings to a controlling interest.
As an insight into how Krupp operated its vast armaments business during World War II (in contrast to World War I, when it had to import precision instruments from Switzerland), Brombacher stated, "In the Second World War we had our own German sources for the photoelectric and radar fire controls used for our guns. We were supplied by the German firms of Siemens & Halske A.G. and Siemens-Schuchert-Werke A.G. All optical devices were built by Carl Zeiss."
He added that Krupp had also shifted from being mass supplier of the German war machine to being primarily a development and invention agency for weapons that were then mass fabricated by other manufacturers. While supplying weaponry to other countries on the O.K.W. approved list, Brombacher said they didn't let the war interfere with profits. He explained one gun contract Krupp had with Holland.
The expansion of the German economy despite war produced a new Reichsmark diplomacy that made a profit for everyone involved: the corporations, the banks, their shareholders, the Reichsbank, the government of the Third Reich; and in countries where sales were made the business elite prospered, as did the middlemen who handled the goods and the tradesmen who sold to consumers. It was a golden circle of Reichsmark diplomacy, which had its effect on foreign policy and the conduct of the war.
Two German bank branches, the DEUTSCHE BANK in Istanbul and the Deutsche Orient Bank (a Dresdner bank), were depositories for a steady flow of bonds, cash, gold, bank deposits, and foreign exchange belonging to German firms and individuals. Six German insurance companies with branches in Turkey followed a standard policy of linking Turkish insurance companies into their own operation with grants of German investment capital, which automatically forced these firms to bow to German policy. But it also generated large fluid assets, which were invested in local real estate and other properties and business ventures. More than sixty German-controlled firms in Turkey were engaged in building and public works contracting; building materials and tobacco merchandising; importing and exporting; chemicals and pharmaceuticals; shipping, forwarding, and transportation; machinery and electrical equipment; and as commission agents. I.G. Farben, Krupp, and Bayer were each represented.
Then there was a 100-million Reichsmark order for German war materials to Turkey. While the Eden conference was taking place in Cairo, Turkish and German businessmen and government leaders were discussing this contract by a consortium of German firms. By terms of this sale, bonds of the Turkish Treasury to the amount of RM 100 million were deposited with the DEUTSCHE BANK, to be redeemed in half-yearly installments from 1944 to 1949 in return for DEUTSCHE BANK credits.
DEUTSCHE BANK was handling all the financial aspects of the Turkish order. This bank computed the sums each German firm was to receive in cash, and then formed a syndicate of several banks for the funding, with the German firms receiving their money immediately. Farben Unicolor S.A. represented 16 German firms having interlocking directorates with several large Spanish chemical companies. There were Lipperheide and Guzman S.A. (later to be renamed Industrias Reunida Minero Metalurgicas S.A. ), whose holdings included smelters and transportation facilities. There were also in Spain two prominent German-owned banks.