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Six years ago, President Rafael Correa of Ecuador offered the world what he considered an enticing deal: donate $3.6 billion to a trust fund intended to protect nearly 4,000 square miles of the Amazon jungle and his country would refrain from oil drilling in the rain forest. The plan won applause from environmentalists, and international luminaries like Bo Derek and Leonardo DiCaprio opened their wallets. The plan was backed by the United Nations, but governments generally balked at contributing, and only $13 million was collected. “The world has failed us,” President Correa said as he withdrew the offer in a nationally televised news conference on Thursday night. “With deep sadness but also with absolute responsibility to our people and history, I have had to take one of the hardest decisions of my government.” The pioneering effort was administered by the United Nations Development Program. It was originally set up after potential reserves of nearly 800 million barrels of oil were found in the Yasuni national park, which is inhabited by two isolated Indian tribes. Its goal was not only to protect a pristine rain forest with a rich mix of wildlife and plant life but also to ease future climate change by preventing more than 400 million tons of carbon dioxide from being released into the atmosphere. The park was designated a world biosphere reserve by Unesco in the late 1980s. Local and international environmentalists expressed disappointment with President Correa’s decision, and hundreds of protesters gathered outside the presidential palace in Quito, the nation’s capital. “It could have been used as a model for other sensitive areas,” said Matt Finer, a scientist with the Center for International Environmental Law, referring to the fund. “But now that it has failed, there is really no alternative model that is attractive to governments unable or unwilling to forgo drilling solely on ecological grounds.”
China, which has become the largest source of financing for the Ecuadorean government as it seeks to secure more oil supplies from Latin America, is a likely beneficiary of any increased Ecuadorean production. In July, Ecuador obtained a $2 billion loan from the China Development Bank in exchange for nearly 40,000 barrels a day of oil from Ecuador to PetroChina over two years.
Often it simply means they prefer to do business with China (who care even less about internal ethical questions in countries they do business with, to put it mildly) rather than the Western-based companies.
Ecuador is one of the four main countries in South America that China has its sights set on. China has been spooning out loans primarily to Ecuador, Argentina, Venezuela and Brazil, with repayments guaranteed by "long-term commodity sales". Which essentially means, "destroying the rainforest, dredging it of its natural resources, making the money back and leaving everything to fester and die". Ecuador is now in debt to China for around £5.7 billion. And yes, the Ecuadorian government maintains that this won't affect the future of oil sales in the region, but either they're lying or they're somehow planning on selling nine times more bananas annually than they already do. Despite the fact that China's involvement in these new oil investments would directly violate their new guidelines for Environmental Protection in Foreign Investment, they're still allowed a bid. So unless China suddenly puts on a philanthropic face – which, let's be honest, is kind of unlikely – Ecuador is set to become China's pawn until the debt is cleared.
edit on 18-8-2013 by halfoldman because: (no reason given)
Since 1923, however, the story has been one of steady attrition and dismantlement of these empires through decolonization, so that by 1970 the term imperialism was being used, mostly by Marxists, to describe the activities of international capitalism. This was how Lenin had already defined it in his book Imperialism (1916) and in 1965 Kwame Nkrumah attacked the multinational corporations in his book Neo-colonialism: The last stages of Imperialism. Within the Soviet Union critics of the regime attacked the extent to which Russians had imposed imperialist policies upon non-Russian republics.
We learnt in school that socialism was a way to the ideal of communism, under which the state should disappear.
From The Russian Revolution (1917–1918) History SparkNotes
During the February Revolution, Vladimir Lenin had been living in exile in Switzerland. Though historians disagree about specifics, they concur that the government of Germany deliberately facilitated Lenin’s return to his homeland in the spring of 1917. Without question, the German leadership did so with the intent of destabilizing Russia. The Germans provided Lenin with a guarded train that took him as far as the Baltic coast, from which he traveled by boat to Sweden, then on to Russia by train. There is also evidence that Germany funded the Bolshevik Party, though historians disagree over how much money they actually contributed.
, so that by 1970 the term imperialism was being used, mostly by Marxists, to describe the activities of international capitalism
With global companies it may be becoming even more obscure who benefits from exploitation, and it could be a whole network of people from various countries.
As such, is it realistic to protect minority groups when "development" could benefit millions? That argument is much harder to counter. Especially when the critique comes from Western environmentalists who enjoy lifestyles and modernity resulting from their own current or historic exploitation of resources, and either absorbing tribal groups or shifting them to reservations.
But there is another problem: the problem of the State, the problem of what type of political, economic and social Organisation we'll have. Certainly the Marxist Leninist schools envisage the disappearance of the State in the higher stage of communism but they consider the State a necessity in its lower stage.