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Originally posted by roadgravel
must be focused and limited, involving a situation "in which police officers ask questions reasonably prompted by a concern for the public safety
Wouldn't that possibly be applicable to the shout out situation but not necessarily information from 3 days earlier.
Just wondering how far the 'public safety part' can be stretched.edit on 4/30/2013 by roadgravel because: typo
Source
In a statement, several GOP lawmakers - Rep. Peter King, R-N.Y., and Sens. John McCain, R-Ariz., Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., and Kelly Ayotte, R-N.H. - called the decision not to immediately Mirandize Tsarnaev "sound and in our national security interests." However, they expressed concern that "exclusively relying on the public safety exception to Miranda could very well be a national security mistake. It could severely limit our ability to gather critical information about future attacks from this suspect."
Source
Dzhokhar Tsarnaev faced 16 hours of questioning before he was advised of his Miranda rights, and investigators say he told them of his role in the two bombings near the Boston Marathon finish line on April 15. He explained that he and his brother, Tamerlan, were angry about the U.S. wars in Afghanistan and Iraq and the killing of Muslims there, according to two U.S. officials who spoke on condition of anonymity because they weren't authorized to discuss the case with reporters.
The PSE thus inoculates a large subset of statements previously vulnerable to Miranda’s exclusionary rule, admitting any statement that responds to a question reasonably perceived to be relevant to public safety.
The most striking aspect of Table 1 is its consistency. Divided by court level, the PSE is argued successfully between 75% and 91% of the time. State and federal courts use the PSE to justify admissibility at an identical rate of 80%.
The results in Table 3 suggest that the judiciary did not significantly change its application of the PSE following 9/11. For state appellate courts, the rate at which the PSE was used to admit evidence before and after 9/11 varied by only 2%, increasing from 79% to 81%. In federal district courts, the rate stayed constant. In federal appellate courts, the rate increased by 3%, changing from 89% to 92%. Overall, state courts used the PSE to admit evidence 80% of the time before 9/11 and 81% of the time after 9/11. Perhaps counterintuitive to academic suggestions that courts read the PSE far more “expansively” after 9/11,92 the rate at which federal courts used the PSE to admit evidence dropped from 84% to 79% after 9/11.
To assuage these concerns, an acceptable PSE must authorize the admission of testimony about future crimes and other terrorists obtained during a prolonged interrogation.
Part III.A introduces Quarles case law that displays a clear judicial willingness to use the PSE as long as the danger remains “unabated,” applying it in one case four days after the commission of the crime.
In People v. O’Quendo, the state appellate court explained that: "[The] entire thrust of Quarles is that the police should have flexibility to respond to true emergency circumstances, whether the danger is momentary or ongoing . . . . That purpose would not be served by setting artificial limits as to the time and location of questions that are objectively necessary for the immediate public safety."
What is the present Administration's position on this? Who knows?
Federal courts are equally willing to apply the PSE in an elapsed, ongoing timeframe. In Allen v. Roe, the Ninth Circuit was explicit about its intention to apply the PSE as long the public safety was in danger.
The Obama Administration has wavered considerably in its position on this issue. Initially, the Administration asserted that the PSE provided law enforcement with enough flexibility to properly interrogate suspected
terrorists, rebuffing congressional calls to eliminate suspected terrorists’ Miranda rights.
In an about-face a few months later, the Administration supported proposed legislation modifying Miranda warnings in terrorist interrogations.
Then, last October, the Administration issued an internal Department of Justice (DOJ) Memorandum that cited Quarles as legal authority for directing law enforcement to interrogate suspected terrorists on matters pertinent to public safety before Mirandizing them. This DOJ Memorandum thus seems to disavow previous support for legislative proposals that would revoke suspected terrorists’ Miranda rights.
This is a scary slippery slope and that a politician would condone this is frightening.
Why would we need to give him Miranda rights
Originally posted by wildtimes
reply to post by NOTurTypical
Why would we need to give him Miranda rights
BECAUSE HE IS an American citizen.
Good grief.
You'll see quickly here that the questioning ...SIXTEEN HOURS OF IT... Went well above and beyond any realistic application under Public Safety Exception as it's been defined by previous Court precedent.
Originally posted by JiggyPotamus
This is just another attempt to introduce to and condition the American citizen into believing this anti-Constitutional jargon. Why are certain people within the government working so hard to establish something that does not exist? The way they talk about terrorism would make someone who did not know any better think that terrorist attacks took place everyday in the US. Any sensible person is not all that worried about terrorist strikes against the US, especially not enough to give up any of their rights. We have agencies to combat terrorism, and if they cannot do their job without taking away the rights of the citizenry, then we need to find people to replace them, plain and simple.
Originally posted by wildtimes
reply to post by NOTurTypical
He is still only a suspect. Innocent until proven guilty, and entitled to his rights. He's a KID, for crying out loud! You would rather send him to Guantanamo Bay?
Originally posted by NOTurTypical
reply to post by Wrabbit2000
You'll see quickly here that the questioning ...SIXTEEN HOURS OF IT... Went well above and beyond any realistic application under Public Safety Exception as it's been defined by previous Court precedent.
Why the ALL CAPS? 16 hours isn't even half of 48. And if their questions went into the Boston marathon bombing and he spoke about it then that particular testimony might not be admissible in court.
He's not a "kid", he's 19. And I said nothing about Gitmo, nor did I ever say he should be labeled an unlawful enemy combatant under the Geneva Conventions.
I didn't say any of that, so why would you accuse me of it?
A subject admitting to a still hidden bomb and then being charged related to that might apply. Confessing to the previous bombing doesn't seem to fit the public safety criteria. It seems to me the supreme court allowed for a very narrow set of circumstance that applies, situations still in play, so to speak.
I'm thinking this is headed back where it belongs, eventually. The Supreme Court for a determination on just what 'appropriate' use actually IS.