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The National Constitution was sanctioned in 1853, and reformed in 1860, 1866, 1898, 1949, 1956, 1957, 1972, and 1994. Argentina had a very interrupted democratic history since 1930. Military dictatorships ruled the country in the periods 1930-1932, 1943-1946, 1955-1958, 1962-1963, 1966-1973, and 1976-1983.
In the first half of the 19th century Juan Manuel de Rosas came to prominence as a caudillo in Buenos Aires province, representing the interests of rural elites and landowners. He became governor of the province in 1829 and, while he championed the Federalist cause, he also helped centralize political power in Buenos Aires and required that all international trade be funneled through the capital. His reign lasted more than 20 years (from 1829 to 1852), and he set ominous precedents in Argentine political life, creating the infamous mazorca (his ruthless political police force) and institutionalizing torture.
Originally known as the Imperial Order of the Southern Cross (Ordem Imperial do Cruzeiro do Sul), the Order was erected by Emperor Pedro I on the very day of his Coronation, on 1 December 1822. Also on the same date the first knights of the order were appointed, to commemorate the crowning of the Empire's first monarch.
The wealthy and educated of the Unitarian Party, such as Sarmiento, favored centralized government. While Sarmiento was pro-American and two contemporary U.S. presidents (John Quincy Adams and John Adams) .
Buenos Aires’ economy boomed and immigrants poured in from Spain, Italy, Germany and Eastern Europe. The city’s population grew more than sevenfold from 1869 to 1895.
Still, much of the southern pampas and Patagonia were inaccessible for settlers because of fierce resistance from indigenous Mapuche and Tehuelche. Argentina’s next president, Nicolás Avellaneda, took care of that. In 1879 Avellaneda’s Minister of War, General Julio Argentino Roca, carried out a ruthless campaign of extermination against the indigenous people in what is known as the Conquista del Desierto (Conquest of the Desert). The campaign doubled the area under state control and opened up Patagonia to settlement and sheep. Junín de los Andes’ Vía Cristi memorial is likely the region’s most impressive and moving tribute to the Mapuche lives lost in this ‘war.’.
Perón's popularity was anchored by an earthquake that occurred on January 15, 1944, in San Juan, a city near Mendoza in the shadows of the Andes. Ten thousand people died and nearly half the city was left homeless. The tragic event became the ultimate public relations opportunity for Perón, as he rallied support for the region.
Fearing his rise to power, the military government arrested Perón and imprisoned him on Juan García Island in the Tigre Delta. A near revolt occurred in Buenos Aires, and the government quickly released him.
Bunge & Born's near-monopoly on cereal and flour exports ended with populist President Juan Perón's 1946 establishment of the IAPI, a state agricultural purchasing and export agent. The company responded by extending its reach into the country fast-growing retail processed foods market, and though its prominence as the nation's chief exporter was partly restored by Perón's 1955 ouster and the IAPI's liquidation, its focus remained domestic over the next three decades. A privately-held company, Bunge & Born did not release periodical financial statements, though it reported US$2 billion in gross receipts in 1962; by then, it had become a leader in commodity futures trading, operating 110 offices worldwide.
#1 U.S. dry corn miller (through its subsidiary, Lauhoff Grain) (18% of the market); reportedly #1 Brazilian grain exporter; #2 U.S. soybean products (soymeal and soy oil) exporter; #3 U.S. grain exporter; #3 U.S. soybean processor; #4 world grain exporter; #4 U.S. grain elevator capacity; #7 Argentine grain exporter.
Here are strategic profiles of 11 of the principal companies that constitute the Anglo-Dutch-Swiss food cartel. The profiles confirm that through multiple forms of concentration, these companies dominate grain, meat, dairy, and other food production, and the processing and distribution system of food, all the way to the supermarket. Very little food moves on the face of the earth without the food cartel having a hand in it.
By the beginnings of the 20th century, Argentina was one of the most developed countries in the world. (In the 1890’s, Argentina was the sixth richest country in the world in per capita terms; and in the 1920’s it was among the top ten, ahead of nations like Germany or Italy). However, after the Great Depression, as a combination of democratic breakdown and poor economic policies, Argentina entered a path of economic decline that, except for brief spells (most notably the early and mid 1990’s), continues to the present.
Following a decade of high inflation and stagnant output, and several failed attempts to stabilize the economy, Argentina fell into hyperinflation in 1989. The Convertibility Plan, introduced in April 1991, was designed to stabilize the economy through drastic, and almost irreversible, measures. The plan was centered around the use of a currency board-like arrangement, in which the peso (set equal to 10,000 australes) was fixed at par with the U.S. dollar and autonomous money creation by the central bank was severely constrained. Significantly, it also included a broader agenda of market-oriented structural reforms to promote efficiency and productivity.
The International Monetary Fund yesterday admitted that its mistakes helped plunge Argentina deeper into the red during the currency crisis that crippled the country's economy three years ago.
The financial meltdown that reached a climax in 2001, causing the country to default on $132 billion of foreign debt, was worsened by the government's vain attempts to maintain the Argentine peso's peg against the dollar. The IMF ploughed money into the country to help it sustain the peg, pledging an extra $22 billion as late as the end of 2000.
Yacimientos Petrolíferos Fiscales (YPF; English: "Fiscal Petroleum Fields") (BCBA: YPFD) is an Argentine oil company.
Founded in 1922 under President Hipólito Yrigoyen's administration, it was privatized in 1993 by Carlos Menem, and bought by the Spanish firm Repsol; the resulting merger in 1999 produced Repsol YPF.
BUENOS AIRES, March 9 (UPI) — Argentina’s threat to seize control of Spanish subsidiary Repsol-YPF oil firm is taking a heavy toll on investor nerves but also forcing Madrid to attempt extreme diplomacy — getting King Juan Carlos to call Argentine President Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner.
News of the king’s intervention, revealed by senior diplomats, heightened fears Argentina’s nationalization plans for Repsol-YPF could be serious enough to warrant the monarch’s telephone conversations with the president.