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TA-ATTACKS: Special Forces Storm Russian School After Explosives Detonated

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posted on Sep, 4 2004 @ 08:05 PM
I actually cried when i saw this. i was heartbroken. i was really hoping that they would be able to get out, and the worthless lumps of wasted DNA that were these terrorists would be bloody smears on the ground.

As far as I am concerned, the people and anyone who support them no longer deserve respect, regard, mercy, compassion. They crossed a very distinct line when they took a school full of children, held them under these circumstances, and created an impossible situation for the military and the govornment. They have committed an unforgivable sin. once you directly and willfully attack, harrass, and kill children, your cause is no longer valid. You are no longer valid.

The people who did this are not humans. They are lower than animals. they are lower than bacteria. I really hope the Russians find everyone involved and visit them with unimaginable horrors. the people who did this do not deserve fairness. They do not deserve compassion or human rights. Human rights are for humans. Not filthy murdering beasts of #.

I really dont care what people think fo the above statements. I really hope vengance is released upon them.

posted on Sep, 4 2004 @ 08:31 PM

Originally posted by Laxpla
One thing pisses me off. The media in America is concerned with Hurricane Francis and the republican convention. Jesus christ thats why I hate the media here. Its not smart for the Islamics to get Russia involved now, now I know how stupid muslims are. YES IAM STEROTYPING, Its because its true.

[edit on 4-9-2004 by Laxpla]

Yep the national TV news here in the US is totally dropping the ball on this. Sure the Hurricane is important, but long term the act at this school is what will affect many more of our lives much longer. It really affects the whole world if the Muslim militants assume they can commit such evil acts now. If they can kill kids, then I'm sure they don't have a problem with nuclear weapons!

Too much focus is on Putin and not enough on the TERRORISTS WHO STARTED ALL THIS! I don't give a damn about anything except who did this and how do you cut off the head of the snake that fed them.

I also wouldn't call these guys stupid...that's the problem, we are underestimating them. Al Queda and other militant leaders are smart and educated and full of hate and disdain for those not like themselves. Personally I really don't want to hate Muslims, but some in the Middle East are not getting it that these militant Muslims are NOT fighting the good fight...they are only fighting for personal glory and care nothing about the consequences that will affect the peaceful Muslims.

posted on Sep, 4 2004 @ 09:40 PM
Shooting children is bad enough, shooting them in the back is beyond words.
These people were brainwashed by demons, the only answer I can come up with.
How can a girl, shoot small children in the back while they try to run away??????
It´s beyond every imagination.

[edit on 4-9-2004 by Jakko]

posted on Sep, 4 2004 @ 11:19 PM
All I can say is why?
Why do these things have to happen?
When I found out about this at work today I got really depressed.
I almost cried when I saw the pictures of the crying children in the paper today.

Its disgusting and makes me mad at the scum of the world

Things like this remind me why I hate war!
The animals behind this should be rounded up and shot!
No scratch shot...
They should be beaten half to death then buried alive!

posted on Sep, 5 2004 @ 12:11 AM
hung by there sac to make them feel pain, then cut the sac. Burn it with iron to stop bleeding pull out there hair and have them hung upside down with bowl of sharks. With TONS of paper cuts on there body. And ciggerete burns, then make them sit there till they die.

posted on Sep, 5 2004 @ 01:41 AM

Chechen children living in the refugee camps in Ingushetia
There was no water, electricity or food: only constant explosions. In the refugee camps in Ingushetia, many children suffered extreme cold throughout the winter and start to cry when the warplanes fly over on their bombing missions to Chechnya. Many children have become orphans, and others have become direct victims. In one hospital, I met a five-year-old girl, the only survivor in her family, thrashing around in her bed from the shrapnel wounds which had become infected with gangrene. In the next room was a wounded father, who recounted to me how his younger daughter had died in his arms from an exploding bomb.
One day, while I was interviewing refugees in Ingushetia, a beautiful little girl came up to me and asked me shyly in English: "Hello, what is your name?" She knew very little English, so I decided to give her some English language tapes. The next day, I saw her mother, who told me that Maryam had stayed up the whole night listening to the tape. I was leaving a few days later, and Maryam wrote me a letter in Russian, telling me how much she missed her school:

All these wars fell hard on my studies. The school year started very well. I was attending school, and was fond of music and fond of English. But one day the war crossed it all out. We became refugees in Ingushetia. I am missing my school year....

Peter, when you are in America, please ask all children to write letters to Putin to stop the war in Chechnya and not to kill civilians, especially children. During the first war, I spent 20 days in the cellar with my parents. In fact, it is not as romantic as it appears to be in the action movies. Our house was hit by a bomb.

The impact of the war goes beyond the terror of the bombing and the immediate brutality of the conflict. Most of the children living in the squalid refugee camps in Ingushetia are not attending school, once again interrupting their education and limiting their future. They have known little but war in their young lives, and are desperate for something different. The following drawings were drawn by Chechen children living in the refugee camps in Ingushetia. Their classroom is in a tent, and they were asked to draw "What I have seen in the war in Chechnya." Better than any words, the drawings show the deeply traumatic impact of the conflict on the children of Chechnya. They draw of the bombardment of Grozny, the battles in the streets, death, chaos, and destruction, and of their new lives as refugees in Ingushetia.

Russia: Abuses Spread Beyond Chechnya
Human Rights Watch researchers in Ingushetia have documented numerous cases of arbitrary detention, ill-treatment, and looting during recent “sweep” operations conducted in Ingush villages and settlements of displaced Chechens. In one incident, Russian forces appeared to be responsible for killing one person and wounding another. In a separate incident, a Russian soldier shot and wounded a sixteen-year-old boy in the leg.
“In Ingushetia, Russian forces are showing the same patterns of brutal behavior that we’ve seen in Chechnya,” said Elizabeth Andersen, executive director of Human Rights Watch’s Europe and Central Asia division. “The Russian government must rein them in or risk spreading insecurity to Ingushetia.”

In one recent incident, at approximately 4 a.m. on June 3, 2003, armored personnel carriers (APCs), which are used only by Russian forces, and other military vehicles encircled the “OOO URS” settlement of Chechen internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Nazran. According to several witnesses, dozens of armed men in camouflage uniforms, many of them masked, broke into peoples’ homes, forced all the men outside and put them face down on the ground.

Chechen displaced persons are not the only victims of the escalating violence. On June 10, three Ingush civilians—sixty-five-year-old Tamara Zabieva and two of her sons, Ali and Umar Zabiev—were returning from their potato field near the village of Galashki, when their truck came under heavy machinegun fire, injuring Zabieva in the back, neck, and head. The brothers took their mother out of the car and Umar stayed with her while Ali ran to the village for help.

Local Ingush police who arrived about an hour later found Zabieva unconscious and sent her to the local hospital, but were unable to find Umar. His body, bearing clear marks of torture and gun shot wounds, was discovered the next morning in a nearby forest. The Ingush police said that evidence suggests involvement by federal servicemen, but the military procuracy has refused to take over the case.

In a separate incident near the same village on June 4, sixteen-year-old Imran Guliev was sitting on a riverbank with three friends, when a column of APCs drove by and a soldier sitting on top of one of the vehicles shot at the boys, wounding Imran in the leg. The military procuracy has to date refused to open an investigation into the incident, despite several witness testimonies describing the soldier and indicating the number of the APC involved.

New Killings and "Disappearances" in Chechnya
Amir Pokaev, 20, also "disappeared" on March 6. A male relative told Human Rights Watch that when Russian forces arrived at the home, "They lined us up [the men], and took our passports. They gave everyone's passport back except Amir's. Then they came and said Amir had to come with them. They said that they would bring him back." That was last time any relatives saw Pokaev. The local military commander told the relative that no one by Pokaev's name had been detained. Relatives have inquired to the procuracy, local detention centers, and other places about his whereabouts but have received no answers.

"Decree 46 was a welcome step, but it clearly isn't being fully implemented to prevent forced disappearances," said Andersen. "Nor is it fully preventing mistreatment of detainees."

Some of the detainees were taken to a nearby poultry farm that had previously also been used as a short-term detention facility, and there they were mistreated. Among the detainees was a seventeen-year old who told Human Rights Watch that Russian soldiers at the poultry farm tried to coerce him into giving information on the whereabouts of rebel fighters. The soldiers pinched and twisted the skin on his chest, arms and legs with medical tweezers; they then shoved the tweezers up his nose and then into his mouth, threatening to take out his teeth. He also said that he had seen other detainees being beaten.

Some villagers report that Russian soldiers tried to extort money and valuables from them in exchange for not taking their sons. After detaining him outside, soldiers brought Aslan Akhmadov to his home, where they demanded that his family pay 10,000 rubles (about U.S. $300) for his release. His mother, Arzu Akhmadova, told Human Rights Watch that Akhmadov was bloody, apparently from having been beaten. Akhmadova said soldiers took about $200 and a pair of gold earrings-all the family could gather-and promised to release Akhmadov after checking his documents. Arzu Akhmadov has not been able to get any information about her son since that time.

posted on Sep, 5 2004 @ 01:42 AM
Chechnya and the North Caucasus - August 24, 2004
As recent events in Ingushetia have made painfully clear, the Chechnya conflict continues unabated. A key reason for Russia’s inability to ensure peace in the region is its failure to establish a meaningful accountability process for crimes committed by Russian soldiers and police forces in the region. The fact that virtually no one has been held accountable for systematic and widespread human rights abuses, including enforced disappearances, summary executions and torture, has grossly undermined trust in Russian state institutions among ordinary Chechens. It has also fostered an atmosphere of impunity among soldiers and police officials. We encourage you to impress on the Russian government that lasting peace in Chechnya is impossible without justice. We also hope you will press the Russian government to lift restrictions on access to the region by the international community, including by issuing the long overdue invitations to the U.N. special rapporteurs on torture and extrajudicial executions to visit Chechnya.

Russia: Investigate Sexual Violence by Troops in Chechnya
Five women have told Human Rights Watch researchers about incidents of sexual violence they endured earlier this year. Three of the women tried to report the assaults to local authorities who refused to investigate the allegations.
During so-called "sweep" operations, when Russian forces conduct house-to-house searches for those believed to be involved in Chechen rebel activity, male relatives often leave their villages for safer locations to reduce the risk of arbitrary arrest, torture, and "disappearances." However, without men in the house, women become more vulnerable to soldiers intent on sexual assault. The social and cultural barriers to reporting sexual violence are high in Chechnya.

"The Russian government is telling the world that life is returning to normal in Chechnya," said Elizabeth Andersen, executive director of Human Rights Watch's Europe and Central Asia division. "But it hasn't brought anyone to justice for these terrible crimes of sexual violence."

"Aset Asimova" (not the woman's real name), a 43-year-old widow, told Human Rights Watch that she was at home with her eight-year-old son when drunken soldiers came in early February. Three of them took her into a separate room while others looted the house. "They tore my dress. They asked me where the men were, they asked me how long I had been without a husband." The soldiers then told her to undress, and when she fought them off they beat her with the butts of their rifles, and raped her. "I don't know how many of them raped me. I lost consciousness, when it was happening. When I came to, they were pouring water on me … then they left."

Other women tried to report sexual assaults and found their efforts thwarted by local authorities. During a January 29 sweep operation, soldiers sexually assaulted "Madina Magomedova" (not her real name) and her sisters in their parents' home. Soldiers had come to "Magomedova's" house earlier in the day, and she suspected they returned because they knew that there were no men there.

"They wanted to touch me, they said I had pretty lips and that they would kiss me," she told Human Rights Watch. "I knew what they wanted to do and started to resist. One of the soldiers said 'Wait bitch until I # you.'" "Magomedova" told Human Rights Watch that she had not been raped, but that the soldiers beat her badly while she struggled against them; she needed three days of bedrest to recover.

Soldiers threatened "Magomedova's" sisters in her presence, and also tried to coerce one of them to perform oral sex. "They wanted to arrest my older sister, because she only has a temporary registration certificate, not an internal passport. One asked if she was married and when she said she was divorced, they asked her if she 'had ever given a blow job before.' They said 'his dick would only have to be in her mouth five minutes,' and 'that it would be good for both of them.'" "Magomedova" filed a criminal case with the prosecutor's office for sexual assault despite warnings from the soldiers against it and a local prosecutor who discouraged her from going forward with the case. Fearing retribution, she eventually fled to a different town.

In another case, two sisters detained in early March suffered sexual assault while in custody. Relatives convinced the two women to come forward to report their ill-treatment to state authorities. "Luiza Larsanova" (not the woman's real name), a 27-year-old woman, was detained on March 4, 2002 and held in two locations before being released the same evening. Soldiers threatened "Larsanova" with rape to coerce information from her about Chechen fighters.

She told Human Rights Watch, "In the first place they beat me, and that was bad. But in the second place, they said they would rape me. That was worse. I was sitting on a chair, and one of them grabbed me from behind, and started to caress me, as if to calm me but really it was terrifying, saying 'oh you're so sweet, so tiny.' I was wearing woolen long underwear under my skirt, and he told me to take them and my skirt off. I was crying, and said I had nothing to tell them and to leave me alone, I was practically on my knees, begging him not to touch me."

These are not the first allegations of rape and sexual violence by Russian forces to emerge from Chechnya. In January 2002, Human Rights Watch provided a memorandum( documenting other cases of rape and sexual assault in Chechnya to the U.N. Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). In a public statement, the Committee raised serious concerns about the Russian Federation's failure to conduct proper investigations or hold perpetrators accountable in the vast majority of cases in the face of strong evidence that members of the Russian forces committed acts of rape and other sexual violence against women during the armed conflict in Chechnya. Human Rights Watch also sent letters supporting the U.N. Committee's call for accountability for these crimes to the members of the Russian Duma-Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe Working Group on Chechnya on March 28, 2002.

Interviews with Relatives of the “Disappeared” in Chechnya (RealVideo, 6.1Mb)
This video was produced by Human Rights Watch, the Memorial Human Rights Center, and Witness. In it, the relatives of three "disappeared" people tell how their loved ones were detained, and describe their fruitless search efforts. Hundreds of people have "disappeared" since the armed conflict in Chechnya started in September 1999. As the conflict grinds on, "disappearances" have become an ugly part of everyday life. In April 2002, Human Rights Watch published a report documenting 91 "disappearance" cases that either took place or came to light in 2001; In March 2001, Human Rights Watch documented 113 cases.

Russia Should Curb Racial Discrimination
In February 2003, Human Rights Watch submitted a briefing paper to the U.N. committee to consider in its review of Russia’s record. The Human Rights Watch briefing paper detailed the backlash against ethnic Chechens after the October 23, 2002 mass hostage taking by Chechen rebels at a Moscow theater. The briefing paper reported that:

  • Moscow police stepped up identity checks and arbitrarily detained hundreds of Chechens, routinely fingerprinting and photographing them;
  • Police officers planted drugs and ammunition on Chechens and solicited bribes from them in exchange for not pressing charges;
  • Police officials at registration offices routinely refused to register Chechens for obligatory resident permits, frequently referring to “instructions from above;”
  • Police exerted pressure on Moscow landlords to evict Chechen tenants;
  • Moscow schools threatened to close their doors to Chechen children who are not properly registered, although most children were able to continue to attend classes.

“The backlash following the hostage taking was a recent dramatic illustration of a systemic problem of discrimination against non-ethnic Russians in Russia,” Andersen said.

Russia: Abuses in Chechnya Continue to Cause Human Suffering
“Russian officials say they’re contributing to the international campaign against terrorism,” said Elizabeth Andersen, executive director of Human Rights Watch’s Europe and Central Asia division. “But the war in Chechnya mostly contributes greatly to human suffering. The international community should think seriously about whether it wants to be associated with this very abusive war.”

Human Rights Watch found that officials have constantly harassed displaced persons by threatening them with arrest on false charges and withdrawal of food allowances. Particularly effective was the threat of cutting of gas and electricity supplies during winter months. With alternative housing nonexistent or uninhabitable, the unrelenting pressure amounted to forcible return and clearly violated Russia’s obligations under international law.

In one case, Russia’s efforts to close the tent camps were successful: the Aki-Yurt camp, which housed some 1,700 displaced Chechens, was forcefully closed in early December 2002. Migration officials dismiss security threats that people continue to face in the conflict zone.

At the same time, the Russian government has persistently tried to curtail outside monitoring of the situation in Chechnya. For several years in a row, it has stopped key United Nations human rights monitors from visiting the region, and on December 31, 2002, it effectively ended the operation of OSCE Assistance Group in Chechnya.

posted on Sep, 5 2004 @ 01:43 AM
Russia/Chechnya: Justice Flouted in Military Murder Case
On the night of March 26, 2000, 18-year old Elza Kungaeva was abducted, beaten, raped and murdered. Russian authorities promptly started an investigation and arrested Budanov, who confessed that he strangled the young woman in a fit of rage, claiming she was a rebel sniper. The investigation found that Budanov and three of his subordinates kidnapped Kungaeva at gunpoint from her home in Tangi-Chu and took her to Budanov's quarters. After he was alone with Kungaeva for about two hours, Budanov ordered his subordinates, who stood guard outside, to bury her naked corpse.

Initially the military promised that justice would be severe and swift. But as the case unfolded, the prosecution began undermining a potential conviction. The forensic examination found that Kungaeva had endured anal and vaginal penetration just before her death, but the prosecution dropped rape charges against Budanov before trial. The indictment cites the forensic medical report to describe injuries to Kungaeva's face, neck, and hips, but does not cite the report's description of injuries to her genitals. One of Budanov's subordinates was charged with "desecration of a corpse," but the investigation was closed under the 2000 amnesty.

Two psychiatric examinations done in 2000 found Budanov was sane and in control of his actions. However, the court ordered a third examination, carried out by the Serbskii Institute for Forensic Psychiatry, notorious for its role in persecuting dissidents during the Soviet era. The institute's experts concluded in May 2002 that Budanov was "temporarily insane" when he killed Kungaeva, noting his war-inflicted trauma. However, after independent experts criticized the psychiatric examination conclusions as "lacking medical substantiation" and Russia's prosecutor general said the conclusions failed to answer important questions, the military court ordered a fourth examination. In September 2002, this examination once more found Budanov was "temporarily insane" at the time of the murder.

Don't Ignore Russian Abuses in Chechnya
"Chechnya is the only place in Europe where civilians are being killed on a near daily basis," Andersen said. "Our research clearly contradicts Russian government assertions that Chechnya is returning to normal. What's happening there is certainly far from normal."

Tracking the conduct of Russian forces in six military sweep operations between August and December 2001 alone, the Human Rights Watch briefing paper documents nine forced disappearances and five cases of the indiscriminate use of force. It analyzes the Russian authorities limited efforts to investigate these crimes and describes the problems faced by internally displaced people in Chechnya's neighboring regions. The briefing paper also describes assassinations and threats against officials and ordinary civilians by Chechen forces.

Among the victims whose cases are detailed in the briefing paper are:

  • Madina Mezhieva and Amkhad Gekhaev who were machine-gunned from a military helicopter on October 27, 2001, while driving home from a turnip field in Komsomolskoe. The soldiers took these two away alive, and several days later, family members obtained their bodies, both missing limbs, from the military commander's office in Gudermes.
  • Malika Lalaeva and Raisa Taramova, two children killed during a shelling of Goity on October 28, 2001, when three of the nine shells lobbed into the village hit Lalaev's family house.
  • Musa Yunusov and Lom-Ali Yunusov, both detained at night on December 9, 2001 by Russian soldiers, who also torched their houses. Five days later, the relatives identified their mutilated bodies among seven corpses dumped in a forest near a Grozny suburb.
  • Magomed-Emi Alsultanov, Khasmagomed Esuev, Mukhadi Khamzatov, Saidmagomed Mutsukaev, Anzor Ismailov and others, detained by Russian forces and subsequently "disappeared." For months, relatives were trying to get information about their fate from Russian authorities, but never succeeded.

In none of these cases have the authorities taken adequate steps to investigate the abuses. Since the last U.N. commission meeting, the Russian government has claimed to be carrying out criminal investigations into abuses in Chechnya. But Human Rights Watch has analyzed several key investigations, including those into the Sernovodsk sweep "disappearances," the mass grave in Dachny village, and the massacres in Alkhan-Yurt, Staropromyslovskii, and Aldi. Human Rights Watch found that investigators have consistently failed to take basic investigatory steps that could lead to the identification of perpetrators.

War Crimes In Chechnya and the Response of the West
Testimony before the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations
by Peter Bouckaert, Human Rights Watch Emergencies Researcher

Atrocities in Chechnya
Since the beginning of the conflict, Russian forces have indiscriminately and disproportionately bombed and shelled civilian objects, causing heavy civilian casualties. The Russian forces have ignored their Geneva convention obligations to focus their attacks on combatants, and appear to take few safeguards to protect civilians: It is this carpet-bombing campaign which has been responsible for the vast majority of civilian deaths in the conflict in Chechnya. The Russian forces have used powerful surface-to surface rockets on numerous occasions, causing death tolls in the hundreds in the Central Market bombing in Grozny and in many smaller towns and villages. Lately, Russian commanders have threatened to use even more powerful explosives, including fuel air explosives which could have a disastrous casualty count if used against civilian targets. The bombing campaign has turned many parts of Chechnya to a wasteland: even the most experienced war reporters I have spoken to told me they have never seen anything in their careers like the destruction of the capital Grozny.

Russian forces have often refused to create safe corridors to allow civilians to leave areas of active fighting, trapping civilians behind front lines for months. The haggard men and women who came out of Grozny after a perilous journey told me of living for months in dark, cold cellars with no water, gas or electricity and limited food: their little children were often in shock, whimpering in the corners of their tents in Ingushetia and screaming in fright whenever Russian war planes flew over, reminding them of the terror in Grozny.

Men especially face grave difficulties when attempting to flee areas of fighting: they are subjected to verbal taunting, extortion, theft, beatings, and arbitrary arrest. On several occasions, refugee convoys have come under intense bombardment by Russian forces, causing heavy casualties. Currently, tens of thousands of civilians remain trapped in the Argun river gorge in Southern Chechnya, stuck behind Russian lines without a way out from the constant bombardment and rapidly running out of food supplies.

For many Chechens, the constant bombardment was only the beginning of the horror. Once they came into contact with Russian forces, they faced even greater dangers. Human Rights Watch has now documented three large-scale massacres by Russian forces in Chechnya. In December, Russian troops killed seventeen civilians in the village of Alkhan-Yurt while going on a looting spree, burning many of the remaining homes and raping several women. We have documented at least fifty murders, mostly of older men and women, by Russian soldiers in the Staropromyslovski district of Grozny since Russian forces took control of that district: innocent civilians shot to death in their homes and their yards. In one case, three generations of the Zubayev family were shot to death in the yard of their home.

On February 5, a few days after Secretary of State Albright met with President Putin in Moscow, Russian forces went on a killing spree in the Aldi district of Grozny, shooting at least sixty-two and possibly many more civilians who were waiting in the street and their yards for soldiers to check their documents. These were entirely preventable deaths, not unavoidable casualties of war. They were acts of murder, plain and simple. Refugees are returning to Grozny to find their relatives or neighbors shot to death in their homes. And most disturbing of all, there is no evidence that the killing spree has stopped.

In the past month, the Russian authorities have begun arresting large numbers of civilian men throughout Chechnya. These men, numbering well over a thousand, and some women, have been taken to undisclosed detention facilities, and their relatives are desperately trying to locate them. I have spoken to men who have been able to pay their way out of these detention facilities, and they have given me consistent testimony about constant beatings, severe torture, and even cases of rape of both men and women. One of the men suffered from a back injury after being hit with a heavy metal hammer; a second man had several broken ribs and suffered from kidney problems from the severe beatings.

The Refugee Crisis
The constant attacks by Russian forces against the civilian population have caused more than two hundred thousand Chechens to flee into neighboring Ingushetia, overwhelming the local population, which numbers only some 300,000. Many more internally displaced persons are trapped inside Chechnya, especially in the southern Argun river gorge, unable to seek safety because of the refusal of Russian forces to create safe corridors.

The conditions in the refugee camps are dire, with inadequate shelter, food, clean water, heating, and other essentials. Only a minority of refugees are housed in crowded tent camps or railway cars: the majority live in makeshift shelter in abandoned farms, empty trucking containers, or similar substandard shelter; many are forced to pay large sums for private housing. Because refugees are forced to rely on their own limited resources for survival, they are often forced to return to what is still a very active war zone when they run out of money, putting their lives at renewed risk. Russia is not allowing humanitarian organizations to operate freely in Ingushetia, and is virtually blocking any direct assistance to needy persons inside Chechnya. Refugee children in Ingushetia are not attending school, and medical needs often go unmet. The contrast with the international response to last year's Kosovo crisis is striking, although the security concerns and Russian obstruction are certainly relevant factors.

Russian authorities have repeatedly attempted to force refugees to return to Chechnya by denying them food in the camps or by rolling their train compartments back to Chechnya. Russia is attempting to relocate refugee populations to areas of northern Chechnya under Russian control, which would place them beyond the reach of international humanitarian agencies and under more direct Russian control. The border between Chechnya and Ingushetia is regularly closed, preventing refugees from fleeing to safety and often splitting up families stranded on different sides of the border. Following the destruction of the capital, Grozny, and many other towns and villages in Chechnya, and the widespread looting and burning of homes, many refugees simply no longer have a home to return to: everything they owned in this world has been destroyed.

posted on Sep, 5 2004 @ 01:44 AM
In prior years most abuses committed by Russian forces occurred during large-scale military sweep operations.4 But in the past year abuses generally occurred during night raids, when armed men in masks burst into the homes of unsuspecting Chechens and, without identifying themselves, took away one or more inhabitants, usually male. In most cases, these people are never seen again; in some cases, their corpses are subsequently found.

Although Russian government officials have routinely blamed Chechen rebel fighters for the raids, much evidence suggests that in many cases Russian forces are in fact responsible-a view recently expressed by Akhmad Kadyrov, head of the pro-Moscow administration in Chechnya.5 The armed men often arrive on armored personnel carriers (APCs) and other military vehicles that are used only by Russian troops and they frequently speak unaccented Russian, which is distinct from the accented Russian often spoken by those who live in the Northern Caucasus. Also, the frequency of such incidents and size of the armed groups seem to indicate Russian involvement. Of the 185 case descriptions in the unpublished government reports, in thirty-eight cases, involving sixty-four victims, the report describes the same three factors.

Extrajudicial executions
Human Rights Watch documented the killings of five men in Chechnya in 2003. In most cases, Russian forces had detained the men days or weeks before their relatives discovered their corpses.

In a disturbing new trend, Russian forces increasingly resort to blowing up the bodies of executed Chechens-a crude ploy that eradicates signs of torture, obscures the cause of death, and makes identification of the corpse extremely difficult. Human Rights Watch documented three such cases. Memorial, a Russian nongovernmental human rights organization with permanent offices in Chechnya and Ingushetia, documented thirty-eight cases in January and February in which the corpses of Chechens were found; in twenty of these cases, the bodies had been blown up

Below is one of the execution cases Human Rights Watch documented:

  • Execution of "Kharon K." and attempted execution of "Aslanbek K."8 On the morning of February 16, 2003, a group of about fifteen armed and masked men in uniforms riding in military vehicles arrived at the home of the K. family. According to "Malika K.," the men searched the house and took away her two sons, Kharon and Aslanbek. The men, who spoke unaccented Russian, refused to look at the brothers' identity documents, insisting their papers would be examined "at the department."

    The armed men took the brothers to an ad hoc detention center in Grozny, where they separated them. Aslanbek K. was held in a cellar, where his guards questioned and beat him. They beat him with a rifle butt on his face, legs, and kidneys, and broke his nose in several places with a heavy metal flashlight.

    It is unclear when Kharon K. was killed; on February 17, the guards loaded his corpse, and Aslanbek K., onto a car and drove them to a nearby district. There, the guards tied the two together, placed them under a large slab of concrete in an abandoned chemical plant, and put explosives between their bodies. They then fired a bullet at Aslanbek's head but missed, causing only a superficial wound. After the armed men left, apparently thinking he was dead, Aslanbek K. managed to free himself before the explosives went off, and return home.

Forced disappearances
Human Rights Watch documented the forced disappearances of forty-four men, twenty-six of which occurred between late December 2002 and late February 2003-about three "disappearances" per week. Human Rights Watch and Memorial have documented hundreds of forced disappearances since the resumption of hostilities in Chechnya in September 1999.11 Memorial's database of "disappearances" currently contains information on more than 600 cases. These figures reflect only a fraction of the actual number of "disappearances." For example, the unpublished government reports stated there were 126 "abductions" in January and February 2003 alone; the accompanying case descriptions strongly suggest involvement of federal forces in most of the cases. In mid-February 2003, the procurator of Chechnya stated that the procuracy was conducting 1,163 criminal investigations into the abductions of approximately 1,700 individuals in Chechnya.

In the majority of cases Human Rights Watch documented in March 2003, the victims "disappeared" after armed men detained them during night raids at their homes, though some were detained at checkpoints. In all of these cases, relatives conducted extensive but fruitless searches, and in most cases, criminal investigations are pending.

Below are two recent examples:

  • Alik Mazhiev (b. 1948), Khasan Mazhiev (b.1974), Khusein Mazhiev (b.1975) and Arbi Mazhiev (b.1983). On the night of January 4, 2003, several dozen masked and armed men simultaneously burst into the Mazhiev family's three apartments on Yablochnaia Street in Grozny. Aishat Mazhieva told Human Rights Watch that the men arrived on armored personnel carriers (APCs) and other military vehicles, and took her husband and youngest son, a ballet dancer with the "Vainakh" dance group that had recently toured in Paris, Moscow, and Warsaw. 13 Other armed men detained her two other sons in adjacent apartments, where they lived with their respective families. The armed men took all four Mazhievs away, and despite numerous attempts by Mazhieva to find her husband and three sons their fate remained unknown as of this writing. The procuracy of Chechnya opened a criminal investigation into the "disappearances."
  • Sharpudi Israilov (b.1973) and Adlan Dovtaev (b.1971). On December 30, 2002, Sharpudi Israilov drove from the village of Tolstoi-Yurt, where he had received his new passport, to his home village of Kulary together with three local police officers. As they passed a checkpoint near Chernoreche, an APC drove out of a nearby forest and opened fire on their vehicle, killing one of the policemen and wounding Israilov and one other man. The soldiers put Israilov and the two policemen in the APC, and threw the third policeman's dead body on top. Five other detainees, including Adlan Dovtaev, were already inside the APC. According to a relative, Dovtaev had been detained minutes earlier as he passed through the checkpoint.15 The men were taken to Khankala military base where Russian soldiers interrogated, beat, and tortured them with electric shocks. On January 1, 2003, soldiers took Israilov and Dovtaev away and the other detainees did not see them again. In the next few days, the six other detainees were released and informed Israilov's and Dovtaev's relatives that they had been in custody together at Khankala military base.16 Both families filed a complaint with the procuracy, which opened a criminal investigation. At the time of the interview, the relatives had no information on the fate and whereabouts of Sharpudi Israilov and Adlan Dovtaev.

Serious Violations of Women's Human Rights in Chechnya
Civilians in Chechnya continue to be the victims of systematic violations of human rights and humanitarian law, facing the daily risk of torture, "disappearance," and summary executions at the hands of Russian federal forces. Federal soldiers and police on sweep operations arbitrarily detain men and women, and frequently loot and burn homes. Detainees are often taken to makeshift detention facilities such as pits dug into the ground, where they are routinely tortured and denied all due process rights. 1 Human Rights Watch has conducted investigations into abuses committed in Chechnya since the recurrence of major military clashes in the region in September 1999. In the course of this research, Human Rights Watch has documented credible accounts of violence against women in the region, including sexual violence, and wishes to bring these allegations to the attention of the Committee.

Human Rights Watch is concerned that Russia has resisted a meaningful accountability process. Russian law enforcement agencies have failed to launch serious investigations into most cases of abuse, and have failed to prosecute the perpetrators. The government's failure to investigate abuses against civilians vigorously has fostered an atmosphere of impunity among Russian troops in Chechnya.

Rape and Other Forms of Sexual Violence in Chechnya
Despite cultural taboos against speaking about rape, witnesses provided evidence that Russian soldiers raped Chechen women in areas of Russian-controlled Chechnya and sexually assaulted both men and women in detention centers. In 1999 and 2000, Human Rights Watch researchers found that rapes occurred on the outskirts of villages, at checkpoints, and in detention centers. Fear of rape by Russian forces was pervasive, causing some families, particularly those with young women and girls, to flee and motivating desperate attempts to hide female family members. The cases outlined below draw from direct testimony provided to Human Rights Watch in the field.

Rape of Women Taken from Villages: The Case of Kheda Kungaeva
On March 27, 2000, Kheda Kungaeva, an eighteen-year-old woman, was taken from her home in Chechnya, beaten, raped, and murdered.2 Human Rights Watch has followed the Kungaeva case since we documented the attack, attending the trial of Col. Yuri D. Budanov, who was charged with her murder, in February 2001.3

A forensic medical report, a copy of which we obtained, cited a military procurator's report that on March 27 at 1:00 a.m., Budanov took Kheda Kungaeva, a civilian, from her home in Tangi-Chu and brought her to a military encampment. The forensic examiner concluded that Kungaeva was beaten, anally and vaginally penetrated by a hard object, and strangled at about 3:00 a.m.4 The report cited marks on her neck, the condition of her blood vessels, the tone of her skin, and the condition of her lungs. It found that other injuries such as bruising found on her face, her neck, her right eye, and her left breast were inflicted by a blow with a "blunt, hard object of limited surface," which occurred approximately one hour before her death.

Vissa Kungaev, Kheda Kungaeva's father, provided further detail of the events to Human Rights Watch. He said that between midnight and 1:00 a.m. on March 27, 2000, an armored personnel carrier (APC) drove up to their house, carrying three Russian soldiers, and their commander, Colonel Budanov.5 According to the Kungaev family, armed soldiers entered the Kungaev house. Budanov stood in the corridor while two soldiers entered the bedroom and others guarded the house. First they brought Kungaev's younger daughter out of the room, but when she screamed, Budanov reportedly said, "Let her go, take that one." The soldiers then brought out the eldest daughter, Kheda Kungaeva, and drove her away in the APC.6 Witnesses reported that Budanov was drunk at the time. Later on March 27, a group of villagers traveled to Urus-Martan, seven kilometers away, to search for Kungaeva. Two witnesses told Human Rights Watch that a federal commander in Urus-Martan told the villagers that Kungaeva had been raped by drunken men and was dead.

Russian authorities arrested Budanov on March 29, 2000. Russian military authorities first publicly accused him of raping and murdering Kungaeva, and subsequently indicted him on charges of murder, kidnapping, and abuse of office. According to press reports, Budanov claimed that Kungaeva was a sniper, and that he had gone into a rage while questioning her. He reportedly admitted killing her, but denied the rape charges.8 Although forensic evidence strongly suggests that Kungaeva was raped, no one is known to have been charged with her rape. Budanov's trial began on February 28, 2001, and has been recessed on numerous occasions. In September 2001, a psychiatric institution found that Budanov was "emotionally distressed" at the time he murdered Kungaeva, allowing the charge to be reduced to manslaughter, and opening the way for him to be amnestied.

For More Information :

posted on Sep, 5 2004 @ 05:14 AM

Originally posted by thesaintThe Crow. You need to grow up fella. This site is mostly about freedom of speech and exercising the right to speak your mind on any topic and being able to make any comment you like on that topic.

Yes, that it is. Throughout the majority of my post, I was simply practicing the freedom of speech, my first amendment right.

Originally posted by thesaintWhat it is not about is trawling through threads looking for mistakes people have made. Yes i contradicted myself in one sentence and you noticed well what do you want a medal or somethin. Well lets have a round of applause for the crow for being so observant. CLAP CLAP CLAP.

I merely pointed out you had contradicted yourself in the same sentence, nothing more. I admit I did find it pretty amusing, but if I wanted to make you feel stupid I would have thrown in a load of insults. Maybe this will encourage you to proof-read your posts next time.

Originally posted by thesaintHow dare you mock my military career i am proud to have served my country and to have served the many theatres of operation to where i have been deployed i am so f**kin proud to say yes i also spent 5 years in the military intell dept and i hope what i acheived may have helped my country even if only a little bit.

I wasn’t mocking your “career”. I was only saying, indirectly, that in this day and age everyone seems have been in the army. I was hoping you would get the message and provide some sort of proof, because otherwise your word is pretty much worthless. Basically, show us you were in the military, or just drop it.

Originally posted by thesaintDo not give me the childish BS you come out with. I have gained much respect on ATS for my knowledge on Military issues due to my services and i am proud and also happy to help out.

Military knowledge can easily be gained just by reading books. It doesn’t prove a thing. Don’t hate on me because I choose to deny ignorance, and look at everything with a skeptical eye.

Originally posted by thesaintI am so pissed with ATS at the moment as morons like yourself seem to think that by disecting someone elses post and making a comment for every sentence using clever words makes you look intelligent well does it f**k infact it makes you look like a dick.

I was hoping we could keep the personal insults out of this. And I'm the immature moron?

Originally posted by thesaintSo please dont attempt to make fun of my career again.

Once again, I wasn’t belittling your career. If you can confirm to me that my suspicions are incorrect than I salute you.

Originally posted by thesaintAnd last thing is YES i do think the Russian authoritys carried the operation out wrongl.

Okay, you have the right to voice your opinion. Just tell me one thing, how would you have handled it?

Originally posted by thesaintI think this will be my last post on ATS due to the childish people with big words and big egos who are a waste of my time.

Don’t be a bad sport. I get a kick out of arguing with people, apperantly you don't. No one is forcing you to read my posts, you can just ignore them.

Originally posted by Flyboy211The Crow you're just a tit, there's no point disecting peoples comment all the time looking for tiny inaccuracies in grammar or spelling.

Wow, good one. What's next, 'yo mama' jokes? And for the record, that wasn’t a tiny grammar mistake. He totally messed up the structure of his very first sentence.

Originally posted by Flyboy211Have you ever served in the military, have you ever witnessed personal atrocites?

No, I haven’t. And personal atrocities? I can’t say I’ve been traumatized or experienced the dismay, as vividly as a soldier who has seen plenty of action has. But I believe an individual with an imagination doesn’t require visual aid to know the magnitude of cruelty humans are capable of.

Originally posted by Flyboy211I respect thesaint, he one of the most intelligent and INFORMED posters i've seen on ATS.

I’ll bet.

Originally posted by Flyboy211Please don't leave, let the ignorant f*cks be. If they want to act like little kids who think war is like playing a game with those green and tan plastic toy soldiers then let them think like that.

Since when did anyone think war was a game? This little mess started because I didn’t agree with thesaints reasons for stated the Russian army handled things badly. And that’s probably because he never explained his reasoning. Try to pay attention to what people are posting, Flyboy.

Fanoose – Undoubtedly both sides have fought dirty. Yet the Russian army admitted as much, and took steps to improving the situation. The Chechens have not, as far as I know. The taking of a school, holding children hostage isn’t a violation of human rights? What about personally executing tied up defeated men, by slitting their throat on camera and letting them bleed to death? No matter what you say, you could never humanize such a barbaric act.


posted on Sep, 5 2004 @ 06:24 AM
Hey, why don't you write how many russians moved from this region and why they moved, how many people was killed by "rebels", what they did when Russia leave this republic after first chechen campaign, why don't you write what laws their "leader" established, how much chechen people disappeared during that time, and why people in "so terrible" refugee camps didn't want get back? maybe because european&american media gives you wrong image of real situation in this region, ignores truth and gives you bright lie about how this coward russians kills those proud rebels, rapes woman and other #. Of cource, there are some facts about abuses, but this facts you can find in every war. Maybe after 9/11 you realized what is terrorism and what terrorists deserve. No mercy.

posted on Sep, 5 2004 @ 07:19 AM
Whoever did this,
I hope they fry in hell!

posted on Sep, 5 2004 @ 08:10 AM
TO fanoose
Your speech is toolong but you say NOTHING!


posted on Sep, 5 2004 @ 12:23 PM
THE CROW, What do you want me to do you prick post pictures of me in full uniform to prove you wrong. I aint that sad mate. Are you sure you aint gay and just want to see pictures of me in uniform. If thats what takes your fancy then do a google search on "THE VILLAGE PEOPLE".

posted on Sep, 5 2004 @ 01:39 PM

Originally by The Crow

No, I haven’t. And personal atrocities? I can’t say I’ve been traumatized or experienced the dismay, as vividly as a soldier who has seen plenty of action has. But I believe an individual with an imagination doesn’t require visual aid to know the magnitude of cruelty humans are capable of.

I know the imagination is a wonderful thing but you cannot even begin to understand or think you know what it's like for a soldier to see these atrocities, you just can't. I know we can all imagine but that's it, that's all we can do unless you've seen these things up close and personal then you cannot know what it would be like. You cannot just imagine the emotions you'd have if you saw your best mate blown up by a anti-personnel mine or him taking a few bullets before dropping lifelessly on the floor. thesaint may not have perfect spelling or grammar according to you, but he's a Vet he's seen things that only you can imagine, don't make it too personal.

I'm sorry for some of the comments i made, i admit i didn't trawl through your comments properly i just assumed you were being negative to thesaint for no reason. I still stand by my comment on criticising his grammar, stick to the subject this isn't anything to do with grammar or spelling. Although i'm sure he's British, he may not be therefore English wouldn't necessarily be his first language, just respect that.

I hope we can forget about this and move on with the debate.

posted on Sep, 5 2004 @ 04:07 PM
Same here, I getting kind of sick of it all. Yeah i have been there and got the medals i dont brag about it but i take it personal when people take the piss about it. Jesus i got no reason to lie Crow if i wanted to do that i would of come on ATS and said i was a genetic sceintist or a NASA employee but i aint im just an ex soldier and later on in my career an intelligence officer. I hold no qualifications in civvi street i just joined up at 16 and went to the university of life for 11 years. The funny thing is on a different site (a chat room for ex forces people) my username is The Crow which in the British forces is a piss take name of new recruits or people who keep fu**ing up. bury the hatchet fella if you feel you want proof then u2u me as i aint about to post my career in pictures on this place id be stupid to do that.

Flyboy your a star.

posted on Sep, 5 2004 @ 05:22 PM
Anytime mate

You may not think it but there are some of us who value and appreciate the sacrifices that you and others have done in order so the rest of us can live and breathe in freedom.

posted on Sep, 6 2004 @ 05:39 AM
Flyboy and thesaint - Your last two posts were very well written. I know some people who would rather die than admit they were wrong on at least some of it, you two are not part of that group. Evidently the human ego knows no bounds. With that being said I know I came off as a stuck up jackass, so I offer you both my apology. I think we can all move on now.

Annyway, the masked men appear to be Spetnaz. The striped shirt is an indicator.

"Of course I pitied the children, I swear to Allah. I have children myself. I didn't shoot. I swear to Allah," he said. "I don't want to die. I swear to Allah, I want to live."

Camouflage uniform: $88.50

Balaclava: $11.95

Baby-killing terrorist begging for mercy from the Spetznaz: PRICELESS!

Funny how these people suddenly realize the value of human life when they are the one's about to die.

[edit on 9/6/2004 by The Crow]

posted on Sep, 6 2004 @ 11:51 AM
Sounds to me as if fanoose is of like mind to those who did this to the Russian children...
As far as I'm concerned there's simply no need to respect anything else he has to say...

posted on Sep, 6 2004 @ 04:40 PM
[edit on 6-9-2004 by thesaint]

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