I think you will find this explains the USA's involvement and growing involvement in expanding their interests overseas and why IT WILL NOT STOP.
That is besides going into all the Bildeberger and original bloodline history but just a recent past event of what lies behind the agenda which i'm
sure most awaken human resources already know.
Smedley Butler on Interventionism (had video attached but not sure how to get on here)
youtube 1933 whitehouse coup
-- Excerpt from a speech delivered in 1933, by Major General Smedley Butler, USMC.
War is just a racket. A racket is best described, I believe, as something that is not what it seems to the majority of people. Only a small inside
group knows what it is about. It is conducted for the benefit of the very few at the expense of the masses.
I believe in adequate defense at the coastline and nothing else. If a nation comes over here to fight, then we'll fight. The trouble with America is
that when the dollar only earns 6 percent over here, then it gets restless and goes overseas to get 100 percent. Then the flag follows the dollar and
the soldiers follow the flag.
I wouldn't go to war again as I have done to protect some lousy investment of the bankers. There are only two things we should fight for. One is the
defense of our homes and the other is the Bill of Rights. War for any other reason is simply a racket.
There isn't a trick in the racketeering bag that the military gang is blind to. It has its "finger men" to point out enemies, its "muscle men" to
destroy enemies, its "brain men" to plan war preparations, and a "Big Boss" Super-Nationalistic-Capitalism.
It may seem odd for me, a military man to adopt such a comparison. Truthfulness compels me to. I spent thirty- three years and four months in active
military service as a member of this country's most agile military force, the Marine Corps. I served in all commissioned ranks from Second Lieutenant
to Major-General. And during that period, I spent most of my time being a high class muscle- man for Big Business, for Wall Street and for the
Bankers. In short, I was a racketeer, a gangster for capitalism.
I suspected I was just part of a racket at the time. Now I am sure of it. Like all the members of the military profession, I never had a thought of my
own until I left the service. My mental faculties remained in suspended animation while I obeyed the orders of higher-ups. This is typical with
everyone in the military service.
I helped make Mexico, especially Tampico, safe for American oil interests in 1914. I helped make Haiti and Cuba a decent place for the National City
Bank boys to collect revenues in. I helped in the raping of half a dozen Central American republics for the benefits of Wall Street. The record of
racketeering is long. I helped purify Nicaragua for the international banking house of Brown Brothers in 1909-1912 (where have I heard that name
before?). I brought light to the Dominican Republic for American sugar interests in 1916. In China I helped to see to it that Standard Oil went its
During those years, I had, as the boys in the back room would say, a swell racket. Looking back on it, I feel that I could have given Al Capone a few
hints. The best he could do was to operate his racket in three districts. I operated on three continents.
UPDATE: BBC RADIO INVESTIGATES THE WHITEHOUSE COUP
The "Business Plot" (also the Plot Against FDR and the White House Putsch) was an alleged political conspiracy in 1933 wherein wealthy businessmen
and corporations plotted a coup détat to overthrow United States President Franklin D. Roosevelt. In 1934, the Business Plot was publicly revealed by
retired Marine Corps Major General Smedley Butler testifying to the McCormack-Dickstein Congressional Committee. In his testimony, Butler claimed that
a group of men had approached him as part of a plot to overthrow Roosevelt in a military coup. One of the alleged plotters, Gerald MacGuire,
vehemently denied any such plot. In their final report, the Congressional committee supported Butler's allegations of the existence of the plot, but
no prosecutions or further investigations followed, and the matter was mostly forgotten.
On July 17, 1932, thousands of World War I veterans converged on Washington, D.C., set up tent camps, and demanded immediate payment of bonuses due
them according to the Adjusted Service Certificate Law of 1924. This "Bonus Army" was led by Walter W. Waters, a former Army sergeant. The Army was
encouraged by an appearance from retired Marine Corps Major General Smedley Butler, who had considerable influence over the veterans, being one of the
most popular military figures of the time. A few days after Butler's arrival, President Herbert Hoover ordered the marchers removed, and their camps
were destroyed by US Army cavalry troops under the command of General Douglas MacArthur. Butler, although a self-described Republican, responded by
supporting Roosevelt in that year's election.
In a 1995 History Today article Clayton Cramer argued that the devastation of the Great Depression had caused many Americans to question the
foundations of liberal democracy. "Many traditionalists, here and in Europe, toyed with the ideas of Fascism and National Socialism; many liberals
dallied with Socialism and Communism." Cramer argues that this explains why some American business leaders viewed fascism as a viable system to both
preserve their interests and end the economic woes of the Depression.
The American Liberty League was a United States organization formed in 1934 by conservative Democrats such as Al Smith (the 1928 Democratic
presidential nominee), Jouett Shouse (former high party official and US Representative), John W. Davis (the 1924 Democratic presidential nominee), and
John Jacob Raskob (former Democratic National Chairman and the foremost opponent of prohibition), Dean Acheson (future Secretary of State under Harry
Truman), along with many industrialists, and members of the Du Pont family. Also members were Alfred P. Sloan of General Motors, John Jacob Raskob,
Jouett Shouse (later Chairman of the Democratic Party), Jay Cooke II, Captain William Stayton, and about one hundred thousand other members.
The League stated that it would work to "defend and uphold the Constitution" and to "foster the right to work, earn, save and acquire property."
The League spent between $500,000 and $1.5 million in promotional campaigns; its funding came mostly from the Du Pont family, as well as leaders of
U.S. Steel, General Motors, General Foods, Standard Oil, Birdseye, Colgate, Heinz Foods, Chase National Bank, and Goodyear Tire and Rubber Company. It
reached over 125,000 members and supported the Republicans in 1936.
In the year of its founding, 1934, the League was accused by Smedley Butler of being involved in a fascist Business Plot to overthrow President
Franklin Delano Roosevelt. Butler was a retired Marine Corps general and strong supporter of President Roosevelt. Butler said that he was approached
to lead a group of 500,000 veterans to take over the functions of government. Butler speculated in his congressional testimony that the League was
somehow involved with a plan to found a para-military fascist veterans organization, an 'American version' of the 1930s French Croix-de-Feu. The
final McCormack-Dickstein Committee report refused to include this "hearsay" material. No prosecutions or further investigations followed, and
historians and contemporary journalists largely rejected the idea that any such plan was near execution.
The League labeled Roosevelt's Agricultural Adjustment Administration "a trend toward Fascist control of agriculture." Social Security was said to
"mark the end of democracy." Lawyers for the American Liberty League challenged the validity of the Wagner Act (National Labor Relations Act), but
in 1937, the United States Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of the statute. The League faded away and disbanded in 1940.
1. ^ Wall Street: a history : from its beginnings to the fall of Enron, Charles R. Geisst, Oxford University Press US, 2004 ISBN 0195170601,
9780195170603 438 pages page 238
2. ^ Burk, Robert F. (1990). The Corporate State and the Broker State: The Du Ponts and American National Politics, 1925-1940. Harvard University
Press. ISBN 0-674-17272-8.
3. ^ Sargent, James E. (November 1974). "Review of: The Plot to Seize the White House, by Jules Archer". The History Teacher 8 (1): 151–152.
4. ^ Author unknown (December 3, 1934). "Plot Without Plotters". Time Magazine. www.livejournal.com...
Author unknown (November 21, 1934).
"Gen. Butler Bares 'Fascist Plot' To Seize Government by Force; Says
Bond Salesman, as Representative of Wall St. Group, Asked Him to Lead
Army of 500,000 in March on Capital -- Those Named Make Angry Denials
-- Dickstein Gets Charge.". New York Times: 1. ;
Philadelphia Record, November 21 and 22, 1934
5. ^ Schmidt, Hans (1998). Maverick Marine (reprint, illustrated ed.). University Press of Kentucky. pp. 224. ISBN 0813109574.
* John Braeman, Robert H. Bremner and David Brody, eds. The New Deal: The National Level. Ohio State University Press. 1975.
* Douglas B. Craig, After Wilson: The Struggle for the Democratic Party, 1920-1934 University of North Carolina Press. 1992.
* Frederick Rudolph, "The American Liberty League, 1934-1940," American Historical Review 56 (October 1950): 19-33. online at JSTOR
* George Wolfskill. The Revolt of the Conservatives: A. History of the American Liberty League, 1934-1940. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1962).
On 15 August 1934, after the onset of strikes that would last until 1938, the American Liberty League, funded largely by the Duponts and their
corporate allies, was chartered in Washington. In its six years of existence, the Liberty League fought New Deal labor and social legislation, rallied
support for the conservative-dominated Supreme Court, and sought to build a bipartisan conservative coalition to defeat the Franklin D. Roosevelt
administration and the trade union movement.
The Liberty League called upon businessmen to defy the National Labor Relations Act, hoping the Supreme Court would declare it unconstitutional, and
led "educational campaigns" against social security, unemployment insurance, minimum wages, and other New Deal policies. After the New Deal's great
victory in 1936, the Liberty League adopted a lower profile. Earlier, Franklin D. Roosevelt, in attacking the "economic loyalists," who were so
visible in the leadership of the Liberty League, mocked the league's definition of "liberty" in his last speech of the 1936 presidential campaign,
retelling a story, attributed to Abraham Lincoln, of a wolf, removed by a shepherd from the neck of a lamb, denouncing the shepherd for taking away
its liberty. The league formally dissolved in September 1940.
Its influence on conservative politics in the United States was large. In the aftermath of the 1938 elections, conservative Democrats and Republicans
in Congress stalemated New Deal legislation, using Liberty League themes of opposition to government spending, taxation, and communist influence in
the administration and the labor movement to gain support. The Liberty League supported the early activities of the House Un-American Activities
Committee and the National Lawyers Committee. The league's attempt to recruit and fund conservative scholarship and university forums on public
policy issues prefigured the creation of corporate-funded conservative "Think Tanks."
The issues raised by the Liberty League in the 1930s remain unresolved, as does its role in history. For those who see "big government," the
regulation and taxation of business, and the redistribution of wealth to lower income groups as absolute evils, it has been vindicated by history and
is posthumously triumphant. For those who see government as a shepherd or steward seeking to prevent society from reverting to a socioeconomic jungle
where the strong devour the weak, it stands condemned as the champion of "free market" policies that today promote economic instability and social
injustice, both in the United States and the world.
Brinkley, Alan. "The Problem of American Conservatism." American Historical Review 99, no. 2 (April 1994): 409–429.
Leuchtenburg, William E. The Supreme Court Reborn: The Constitutional Revolution in the Age of Roosevelt. New York: Oxford University Press, 1995.
Rudolph, Frederick. "The American Liberty League, 1934–1940." American Historical Review 56, no. 1 (October 1950): 19–33. A useful early postwar
critique that captures the New Deal generation's view of the league.
Wolfskill, George. Revolt of the Conservatives: A History of the American Liberty League, 1934–1940. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1962. The best
introduction to the Liberty League.