It looks like you're using an Ad Blocker.
Please white-list or disable AboveTopSecret.com in your ad-blocking tool.
Some features of ATS will be disabled while you continue to use an ad-blocker.
Originally posted by smallpeeps
The napalm pack was a petroleum gel which could be put on the body and ...... "Pop' has me making twenty slap packs."
Originally posted by smallpeeps
[...If anyone has a non-scribd link to the PDF of this book "Nixon's Darkest Secret" please post it here as I cannot figure out how to embed the scribd embed code here. Thanks.]
May 4, 1996
COUNTY JAIL INMATE
CHARGE OF TREASON
By David Sommer
Tribune Staff Writer
TAMPA - Dois Gene Tatum sits in the Hillsborough County Jail on a
treason charge, but nobody seems to know why.
Tatum, 45, says he has a theory. While awaiting trial on fraud charges,
he has been working on a book about being a prisoner of war in Vietnam,
where he said he was sent on a secret, "one way mission" into Cambodia.
But the book makes not mention of later work as an agent in CIA "Black
operations," Tatum said in a telephone interview from Morgan Street
jail. Maybe someone is trying to make sure things stay that way, he
Jail officials say Tatum is being held on the treason charge at the
request of the U.S. Marshals' Service. Such a charge is highly unusual.
They said Tatum is not being held on the federal fraud charges, although
jury selection in that trial is scheduled to begin Monday before U.S.
District Judge Henry Lee Adams, Jr.
Tatum and codefendant Nancy Jane Tatum identified in court records as
his girlfriend with an alias of Nancy Fullilove, are accused of taking
more than $82,000 in federal money while Dois Tatum operated a
government-seized Hudson golf course.
Deputy U.S. Marshal David Jacobs, is charge of federal prisoners in
Tampa, said his records show Tatum is in custody solely on the fraud
"There is nothing in his file whatsoever related to treason," Jacobs
Federal prosecutors know nothing of the charge, said Assistant U.S.
Attorney Gary Montilla.
"CIA guys are generally charged with other kinds of espionage," the
prosecutor said. "My thought is it's a screw-up or some sort of macabre
[NOTE: THREE DAYS LATER]
May 7, 1996
FROM CHARGES LIST
Ex-military man now faces
By David Sommer
Tribune Staff Writer
TAMPA - It seems that Dois Gene Tatum is not facing a treason charge
Tatum, awaiting trial on federal fraud charges, was booked into the
Morgan Street Jail on a charge of treason last week. Neither the
Hillsborough County Sheriff's Office, which runs the jail, or the U.S.
Marshals Service, which parked Tatum there for safekeeping, could
explain the origin of the treason count.
By Monday, jail records had been updated. "Booked in error," reads
Tatum's new computerized record. The treason charge is gone and a
fraud-embezzlement charge is entered in its place.
Tatum, who is listed in federal records as serving in both the Army and
Air Force, Theorized that someone was trying to scare him into remaining
silent about secret missions he worked for the CIA.
He said he is working on his first book, about his experiences in
Vietnam, where he was captured while on a secret mission. But the book
makes no mention of his subsequent CIA activities, Tatum said.
Now, with the treason issue cleared up, Tatum is scheduled for trial May
20 on Charges of taking more than $82,000 in federal funds while
managing a government owned property. A jury was selected Monday before
U.S. District Judge Henry Lee Adams, Jr.
Also Monday, Tatum's wife and codefendant was on hand to pass out copies
of a letter seeking a publisher for Tatum's second book.
"The author is offering information on 18 covert mission, spanning from
the Nixon administration through the Bush administration," the letter
Tatum, in a telephone interview from the jail, said he is not concerned
about provoking further retaliation from his former CIA cohorts.
"A good planner always has an ace in the hole, and they are aware of my
ace," he said. "If they want to send a message, I can send a message,
I, Dois Gene Tatum, declare:
I was a helicopter pilot for the United States Army from 1982 to 1986, during which time I flew missions in Central America and also from Ft Campbell, Kentucky.
From 1986 to 1992 I was an agent for the Central Intelligence Agency, operating under a deep-cover assignment.
During this time I witnessed activities involving high-level U.S. personnel that I felt were unlawful, and I reported these activities to my superiors in the U.S. Army and to my handlers in the Central Intelligence Agency, to the National Security Council, and to various individuals, including William Barr, Oliver North, George Bush.
Among these activities were rampant drug smuggling into the United States involving people in control of the Central Intelligence Agency, the Drug Enforcement Administration, the armed forces of the United States, among others.
I have documented some of these activities on military flight plans, showing as passengers on certain flights, the following: William Barr; Buddy Young; Felix Rodriguez; Oliver North; Joe Fernandez; Manuel Noriega, and Mike Harari.
I have visited coc aine laboratories with the above people, who were inspecting the drug smuggling operations in Central America.
I have documented on some of these military flight plans the nature of the cargo being carried in white coolers that were fraudulently marked as "medical supplies," which I accidentally discovered to be coc aine.
During one flight and related meeting, I was present while there were discussions as to where drug money was being siphoned on the Panama to Arkansas run. Present at this meeting were Manuel Noriega; William Barr (associated with CIA proprietary Southern Air Transport and later attorney general of the United States); Joe Fernandez; Mike Harari; General Gustavo Alverez. Participating in this meeting via satellite telephone was Vice President George bush, Oliver North, and William Jefferson Clinton, then governor of Arkansas.
I had reported these illegal operations to my superiors, including William Barr; Oliver North;
George Bush; Felix Rodriguez; Joe Fernandez; Don Gregg; Dewey Clarridge.
After I refused to perform a mission that I felt were beyond my willingness to execute, I notified my handlers that I wanted out of the operation, which at that time was known as Operation Pegasus. Their response was to warn me that no one leaves the operation.
I declare under penalty of perjury that the above facts are true and correct to the best of my knowledge and belief. Executed this 15th day of August 1996 in the County of Hillsborough, State of Florida.
Dois Gene Tatum
aka Gene D. Tatum
Adams remained a judge on that court until 1993, when President Bill Clinton nominated him to the United States District Court for the Middle District of Florida on October 29, 1993
Michael "Mike" Harari (born 1927) was an Israeli intelligence officer in the Mossad. Harari was involved in several notable operations, including the failed Lillehammer affair and the rescue of hostages at Entebbe.
At some later point in time Harari became the Mossad station chief of Latin America but based in Israel. Although he is said to have retired after this service, it is unclear if all his Israeli intelligence connections were severed when he left for Panama, He returned to Israel just before or during the 1989 United States invasion of Panama, which deposed Noriega and installed the legitimate presidential victor Guillermo Endara. Harari later appeared on Israeli television and denied that he was ever a close advisor of Noriega, and that he had escaped by his own means. 
Thi is a photograph of Raymond "Buddy" Young, former Arkansas Police Captain and Bill Clinton's head of security, and is reported to have been Barry Seal's contact at the Governor's mansion. On the day following Vincent Foster's murder, Raymond Young was promoted to a senior position with FEMA and moved out of Washington D.C. to the Denton. Texas FEMA office.
He has now returned to Washington DC. as the number 2 man at FEMA.
The Warning in Gary Webb's Death
by Robert Parry | December 10, 2011
Webb, however, had already crossed over from being a serious journalist to a target of ridicule. Influential Post media critic Howard Kurtz mocked Webb for saying in a book proposal that he would explore the possibility that the Contra war was primarily a business to its participants. “Oliver Stone, check your voice mail,” Kurtz chortled.
However, Webb’s suspicion was no conspiracy theory. Indeed, White House aide Oliver North’s chief Contra emissary, Robert Owen, had made the same point in a March 17, 1986, message about the Contras leadership. “Few of the so-called leaders of the movement . . . really care about the boys in the field,” Owen wrote. “THIS WAR HAS BECOME A BUSINESS TO MANY OF THEM.” [Emphasis in original.]
In other words, Webb was right and Kurtz was wrong, even Oliver North’s emissary had reported that many Contra leaders treated the conflict as “a business.” But accuracy had ceased to be relevant in the media’s hazing of Gary Webb.
In another double standard, while Webb was held to the strictest standards of journalism, it was entirely all right for Kurtz — the supposed arbiter of journalistic integrity who was also featured on CNN’s Reliable Sources — to make judgments based on ignorance. Kurtz would face no repercussions for mocking a fellow journalist who was factually correct.
The Big Three’s assault — combined with their disparaging tone — had a predictable effect on the executives of the Mercury News. As it turned out, Webb’s confidence in his editors had been misplaced. By early 1997, executive editor Jerry Ceppos, who had his own corporate career to worry about, was in retreat.
On May 11, 1997, Ceppos published a front-page column saying the series “fell short of my standards.” He criticized the stories because they “strongly implied CIA knowledge” of Contra connections to U.S. drug dealers who were manufacturing crack coc aine. “We did not have enough proof that top CIA officials knew of the relationship,” Ceppos wrote.
Ceppos was wrong about the proof, of course. At AP, before we published our first Contra-coc aine article in 1985, Barger and I had known that the CIA and Reagan’s White House were aware of the Contra-coc aine problem.
However, Ceppos had recognized that he and his newspaper were facing a credibility crisis brought on by the harsh consensus delivered by the Big Three, a judgment that had quickly solidified into conventional wisdom throughout the major news media and inside Knight-Ridder, Inc., which owned the Mercury News. The only career-saving move – career-saving for Ceppos even if career-destroying for Webb – was to jettison Webb and his journalism.
The big newspapers and the Contras’ defenders celebrated Ceppos’s retreat as vindication of their own dismissal of the Contra-coc aine stories. In particular, Kurtz seemed proud that his demeaning of Webb now had the endorsement of Webb’s editor.
Ceppos next pulled the plug on the Mercury News’ continuing Contra-coc aine investigation and reassigned Webb to a small office in Cupertino, California, far from his family. Webb resigned from the paper in disgrace.