about the ideal structure of this country as it is written down in the Constitution, then you or I would not differ at all. Yes, that is an ideal
DEVELOPMENTS IN UNITED STATES REQUIRING FUNDAMENTAL CHANGES
What has developed in this country, however, at this point is something quite different and that does require some fundamental changes.
I do agree with you that what happened in Vietnam was not the product of evil men seeking evil goals. It was misguided principles and judgments and
However, at some point you have to stop playing the game. At some point you have to say, "All right we did make a mistake." At some point the basic
human values have to come back into this system and at this moment we are so built up within it by these outside structures, other interests, for
instance, government by vested power which, in fact, you and I really know it is. When a minority body comes down here to Washington with a bill,
those bodies which have the funds and the ability to lobby are those which generally get it passed. If you wanted to pass a health care medical bill,
which we have finally perhaps gotten to this year, we may, but in past years the AMA has been able to come down here and squash them. The American
Legion has successfully prevented people like Vietnam Veterans against the War from getting their programs through the Veterans' Administration.
Those bodies in existence have tremendous power.
There is one other body that has tremendous power in this country, which is a favorite topic of Vice President Agnew and I would take some agreement
with him. That would be the fourth estate. The press. I think the very reason that we veterans are here today is the result partially of our inability
to get our story out through the legitimate channels.
That is to say, for instance, I held a press conference here in Washington, D.C., some weeks ago with General Shoup, with General Hester, with the
mother of a prisoner of war, the wife of a man who was killed, the mother of a soldier who was killed, and with a bilateral amputee, all representing
the so-called silent majority, the silent so-called majority which the President used to perpetuate the war, and because it was a press conference and
an antiwar conference and people simply exposing ideas we had no electronic media there.
I called the media afterward and asked them why and the answer was, from one of the networks, it doesn't have to be identified, "because, sir, news
business is really partly entertainment business visually, you see, and a press conference like that is not visual."
Of course, we don't have the position of power to get our ideas out. I said, "If I take some crippled veterans down to the White House and we chain
ourselves to the gates, will we get coverage?" "Oh, yes, we will cover that."
So you are reduced to a situation where the only way you can get your ideas out is to stage events, because had we not staged the events, with all due
respect, Senator, and I really appreciate the fact that I am here obviously, and I know you are committed to this, but with all due respect I probably
wouldn't be sitting at this table. You see this is the problem.
It goes beyond that. We really have a constitutional crisis in this country right now. The Constitution under test, and we are failing. We are failing
clearly because the power of the executive has become exorbitant, because Congress has not wanted to exercise its own power, and so that is going to
require some very fundamental changes.
So the system itself on paper, no, it is a question of making it work, and in that I would agree with you, and I think that things are changing in a
sense. I think the victory of the ABM was a tremendous boost.
The CHAIRMAN. SST.
Mr. KERRY. SST, excuse me.
The CHAIRMAN. I hope the ABM. [Applause.]
Mr. KERRY. Wrong system.
I think the fact that certain individuals are in Congress today, particularly in the House, who several years ago could never have been. I would cite
Representative Dellums and Congresswoman Abzug and Congressman Drinan and people like this. I think this is a terribly encouraging sign, and I think
if nothing more, and this is really sad poetic justice, if nothing more, this war when it is over will ultimately probably have done more to awaken
the conscience of this country than any other similar thing. It may in fact be the thing that will set us on the right road.
I earnestly hope so and I join you in that.
But meanwhile, I think we still need that extraordinary response to the problem that exists and I hope that we will get it.
IMPACT OF VIETNAM WAR AND OTHERS ON CONSTITUTIONAL BALANCE
The CHAIRMAN. I am glad to hear you say that. I have the same feeling. But you must remember we have been through nearly 30 years of warfare or cold
war, or crises which I think have upset the balance, as you say, in our constitutional system. Senator Javits has introduced a bill with regard to the
war powers in an effort to reestablish what we believe to be the constitutional system in which you say you have confidence. I introduced and we
passed a commitments resolution. There are a number of others. I won't relate them all, but they are all designed to try to bring back into proper
relationship the various elements in our Government. This effort is being made.
I think the culprit is the war itself. The fact we had been at war, not just the Vietnam war but others too, diverted the attention of our people from
our domestic concerns and certainly eroded the role of the Congress. Under the impact of this and other wars we have allowed this distortion to
develop. If we can end the war, there is no good reason why it cannot be corrected.
REPRESENTATION OF CONSTITUENCIES
You mentioned some new faces in the Congress. After all, all these people get here because of the support back home, as you know. They are simply
representative of their constituents. You do accpt that, I believe.
Mr. KERRY. Partially, not totally.
The CHAIRMAN. Why not?
Mr. KERRY. As someone who ran for office for 3 1/2 weeks, I am aware of many of the problems involved, and in many places, you can take certain
districts in New York City, the structure is such that people can't really run and represent necessarily the people. People often don't care. The
apathy is so great that they believe they are being represented, when in fact they are not. I think that you and I could run through a list of people
in this body itself and find many who are there through the powers of the office itself as opposed to the fact they are truly representing the people.
It is very easy to give the illusion of representing the people through the frank privileges which allow you to send back what you are doing here in
Congress. Congressman insert so often.
You know, they gave a speech for the Polish and they gave a speech for the Irish and they gave a speech for this, and actually handed the paper in to
the clerk and the clerk submits it for the record and a copy of the record goes home and people say, "Hey, he really is doing something for me." But
The CHAIRMAN. Well--
Mr. KERRY. Senator, we also know prior to this past year the House used to meet in the Committee of the Whole and the Committee of the Whole would
make the votes, and votes not of record and people would file through, and important legislation was decided then, and after the vote came out and
after people made their hacks and cuts, and the porkbarrel came out, the vote was reported and gave them an easy out and they could say "Well, I
voted against this." And actually they voted for it all the time in the committee.
Some of us know that this is going on. So I would say there are problems with it. Again I come back and say they are not insoluble. They can be
solved, but they can only be solved by demanding leadership, the same kind of leadership that we have seen in some countries during war time. That
seems to be the few times we get it. If we could get that kind because I think we are in a constant war against ourselves and I would like to see that
come -- they should demand it of each other if we can demand it of people.
The CHAIRMAN. Take the two cases of what goes on in the House about the secret votes. That is not a structural aspect of our Government. That is a
regulation or whatever you call it of the procedures in the House itself.
NECESSITY OF INFORMED ELECTORATE
Fundamentally you said that the people can bamboozle their constituents; they can fool them. Of course, that is quite true of any system of a
representative nature. The solution to that is to inform the electorate itself to the extent that they recognize a fraud or a phony when they have
one. This is not easy to do, but it is fundamental in a democracy. If you believe in a democratic system, the electorate who elect the representatives
have to have sufficient capacity for discrimination. They have to be able to tell the difference between a phony, someone who simply puts pieces in
the record, and someone who actually does something, so that they can recognize it in an election, if they are interested.
Now if they are apathetic, as you say they are apathetic, and don't care, then democracy cannot work if they continue to be apathetic and don't care
who represents them. This comes back to a fundamental question of education through all different resources, not only the formal education but the use
of the media and other means to educate them. Our Founding Fathers recognized that you couldn't have a democracy without an informed electorate. It
comes back to the informing of the electorate; doesn't it? That is not a structural deficiency in our system. You are dealing now with the
deficiencies of human nature, the failure of their education and their capacity for discrimination in the selection of their representatives.
I recognize this is difficult. All countries have had this same problem and so long as they have a representative system this has to be ' met. But
there is no reason why it cannot be met.
A structural change does not affect the capacity of the electorate to choose good representatives; does it?
COST OF ELECTION CAMPAIGNS
Mr. KERRY. Well, no, sir; except for the fact that to run for representative in any populated area costs about $50,000. Many people simply don't have
that available, and in order to get it inevitably wind up with their hands tied.
The CHAIRMAN. That is a common statement, but we had an example during the last year of a man being elected because he walked through Florida with a
minimum of money. As he became attractive to the people he may have received more, but he started without money. You are familIar with Mr. Chiles.
Mr. KERRY. Yes, I am familiar. I understand it.
The CHAIRMAN. I know in my own state, our Governor started without any money or with just himself and came from nowhere and defeated a Rockefeller. So
it is not true that you have to have a lot of money to get elected. If you have the other things that it takes, personality, the determination and the
intelligence, it is still possible. There were other examples, but those are well known. I don't think it is correct to say you have to have a lot of
money. It helps, of course. It makes it easier and all that, but it isn't essential. I think you can cite many examples where that is true.
ESSENTIAL QUESTION WILL BE RESPONSE TO VIETNAM ISSUE
Mr. KERRY. Senator, I would basically agree with what you are saying and obviously we could find exceptions to parts of everything everywhere and I
understand really the essential question is going to be the response to the issue of Vietnam.
The CHAIRMAN. I agree with that. I can assure you that this committee and, certainly, I are going to do everything we can. That is what these hearings
are about. It is just by coincidence you came to Washington in the very midst of them. We only opened these hearings on Tuesday of this week. I
personally believe that the great majority of all the people of this country are in accord with your desire, and certainly mine, to get the war over
at the earliest possible moment. All we are concerned with at the moment is the best procedure to bring that about, the procedure to persuade the
President to take the steps that will bring that about. I for one have more hope now than I had at any time in the last 6 years because of several
things you have mentioned, I think there is a very good chance that it will be brought about in the reasonably near future.
COMMENDATION OF VIETNAM VETERANS AGAINST THE WAR
I think you and your associates have contributed a great deal in the actions you have taken. As I said in the beginning, the fact that you have shown
both great conviction and patience about this matter and at the same time conducted yourself in the most commendable manner has bcen the most
effective demonstration, if I may use that word. Although you have demonstrated in the sense that has become disapproved of in some circles, I think
you have demonstrated in the most proper way and the most effective way to bring about the results that you wish and I believe you have made a great
I apologize. I am not trying to lecture you about our Government. I have just been disturbed, not so much by you as by other things that have
happened, that the younger generation has lost faith in our system. I don't think it is correct. I think the paranoia to which you referred has been
true. It arose at a time when there was reason for it perhaps, but we have long since gone out of that time, and I think your idea of timing is
correct. But I congratulate you and thank you very much for coming. [Applause.]
Senator Symington would like to ask a question.
Senator SYMINGTON. Yes. Mr, Kerry, I had to leave because we are marking up the selective service bill in the Armed Services Committee, But I will
read the record.
ATTITUDE OF SERVICEMEN TOWARD CONGRESSIONAL OPPOSITION TO WAR
The staff has a group of questions here, four of which I would ask. Over the years members of this committee who spoke out in opposition to the war
were often accused of stabbing our boys in the back. What, in your opinion, is the attitude of servicemen in Vietnam about congressional opposition to
Mr. KERRY. If I could answer that, it is very difficult, Senator, because I just know, I don't want to get into the game of saying I represent
everybody over there, but let me try to say as straightforwardly as I can, we had an advertisement, ran full page, to show you what the troops read.
It ran in Playboy and the response to it within two and a half weeks from Vietnam was 1,200 members. We received initially about 50 to 80 letters a
day from troops there. We now receive about 20 letters a day from troops arriving at our New York office. Some of these letters - and I wanted to
bring some down, I didn't know we were going to be testifying here and I can make them available to you - are very, very moving, some of them written
by hospital corpsmen on things, on casualty report sheets which say, you know, "Get us out of here." "You are the only hope we have got." "You
have got to get us back; it is crazy." We received recently 80 members of the 101st Airborne signed up in one letter. Forty members from a helicopter
assault squadron, crash and rescue mission signed up in another one.
I think they are expressing, some of these troops, solidarity with us, right now by wearing black arm bands and Vietnam Veterans Against the War
buttons. They want to come out and I think they are looking at the people who want to try to get them out as a help.
However, I do recognize there are some men who are in the military for life. The job in the military is to fight wars. When they have a war to fight,
they are just as happy in a sense, and I am sure that these men feel they are being stabbed in the back. But, at the same time, I think to most of
them the realization of the emptiness, the hollowness, the absurdity of Vietnam has finally hit home, and I feel if they did come home the
recrimination would certainly not come from the right, from the military. I don't think there would be that problem.
Senator SYMINGTON. Thank you.
Has the fact Congress has never passed a declaration of war undermined the morale of U.S. servicemen in Vietnam, to the best of your knowledge?
Mr. KERRY. Yes; it has clearly and to a great, great extent.
USE OF DRUGS BY U.S. SERVICEMEN IN VIETNAM
Senator SYMINGTON. There have been many reports of widespread use of drugs by U.S. servicemen in Vietnam. I might add I was in Europe last week and
the growth of that problem was confirmed on direct questioning of people in the military. How serious is the problem and to what do you attribute
Mr. KERRY. The problem is extremely serious. It is serious in very many different ways. I believe two Congressmen today broke a story. I can't
remember their names. There were 35,000 or some men, heroin addicts that were back.
The problem exists for a number of reasons, not the least of which is the emptiness. It is the only way to get through it. A lot of guys, 60, 80
percent stay stoned 24 hours a day just to get through the Vietnam -
Senator SYMINGTON. You say 60 to 80 percent.
Mr. K ERRY. Sixty to 80 percent is the figure used that try sornething, let's say, at one point. Of that I couldn't give you a figure of habitual
smokers, let's say, of pot, and I certainly couldn't begin to say how many are hard drug addicts, but I do know that the problem for the returning
veteran is, acute, because we have, let's say, a veteran picks up a $12 habit in Saigon. He comes back to this country and the moment he steps off an
airplane that same habit costs him some $90 to support. With the state of the economy, he can't get a job. He doesn't earn money. He turns criminal
or just finds his normal sources and in a sense drops out.
The alienation of the war, the emptiness of back and forth, all combined adds to this. There is no real drug rehabilitation program. I know the VA
hospital in New York City has 20 beds allocated for drug addicts; 168 men are on the waiting list, and I really don't know what a drug addict does on
the waiting list.
And just recently the same hospital gave three wards to New York University for research purposes.
It is very, very widespread. It is a very serious problem. I think that this Congress should undertake to investigate the sources, because I hcard
many implications of Madam Ky and others being involved in the traffic and I think there are some very serious things here at stake.
Senator SYMINGTON. In the press there was a woman reporter. I think her name was Emerson. In any case she stated she bought drugs six or nine times
openly, heroin, in a 15-mile walk from Saigon. The article had a picture of a child with a parasol and a parrot. She said this child was one of the
people from whom she had bought, herself, these drugs; and that the cost of the heroin was from $3 to $6.
If we are over there, in effect, protecting the Thieu-Ky government, why is it that this type and character of sale of drugs to anybody, including our
own servicemen, can't be controlled?
Mr. KERRY. It is not controllable in this country, Why should it be controllable in that country?
Senator SYMINGTON. It isn't quite that open in this country; do you think?
Mr. KERRY. It depends on where you are. [Applause.]
Senator SYMINGTON. We are talking about heroin, not pot or '___'. Mr. KERRY. I understand that, but if you walk up 116th Street in Harlem I am sure
somebody can help you out pretty fast. [Laughter.]
ACCURACY OF INFORMATION THROUGH OFFICIAL MILITARY CHANNELS
Senator SYMINGTON. Mr. Kerry, from your experience in Vietnam do you think it is possible for the President or Congress to get accurate and
undistorted information through official military channels.
(Shouts of "No" from, the audience.)
Mr. KERRY. I don't know -
Senator SYMINGTON. I am beginning to think you have some supporters here.
Mr. KERRY. I don't know where they came from, sir, maybe Vietnam.
I had direct experience with that. Senator, I had direct experience with that and I can recall often sending in the spot reports which we made after
each mission; and including the GDA, gunfire damage assessments, in which we would say, maybe 15 sampans sunk or whatever it was. And I often read
about my own missions in the Stars and Stripes and the very mission we had been on had been doubled in figures and tripled in figures.
The intelligence missions themselves are based on very, very flimsy information. Several friends of mine were intelligence officers and I think you
should have them comein sometime to testify. Once in Saigon I was visiting this friend of mine and he gave me a complete rundown on how the entire
intelligence system should be re-set up on all of its problems, namely, that you give a young guy a certain amount of money, he goes out, sets up his
own contacts under the table, gets intelligence, comes in. It is not reliable; everybody is feeding each other double intelligence, and I think that
is what comes back to this country.
I also think men in the military, sir, as do men in many other things, have a tendency to report what they want to report and see what they want to
see. And this is a very serious thing because I know on several visits - Secretary Laird came to Vietnam once and they staged an entire invasion for
him. When the initial force at Dang Tam, it was the 9th Infantry when it was still there - when the initial recon platoon went out and met with
resistance, they changed the entire operation the night before and sent them down into the South China Seas so they would not run into resistance and
the Secretary would have a chance to see how smoothly the war was going.
I know General Wheeler came over at one point and a major in Saigon escorted him around. General Wheeler went out to the field and saw 12 pacification
leaders and asked about 10 of them how things were going and they all said, "It is really going pretty badly." The 11th one said, "It couldn't be
better, General. We are really doing the thing here to win the war." And the General said, "I am finally glad to find somebody who knows what he is
talking about." (Laughter.)
This is the kind of problem that you have. I think that the intelligence which finally reaches the White House does have serious problems with it in
that I think you know full well, I know certainly from my experience, I served as aide to an admiral in my last days in the Navy before I was
discharged, and I have seen exactly what the response is up the echelon, the chain of command, and how things get distorted and people say to the man
above him what is needed to be said, to keep everybody happy, and so I don't - I think the entire thing is distorted.
It is just a rambling answer.
Senator SYMINGTON. How do you think this could be changed?
Mr. KERRY. I have never really given that spect of it all that much thought. I wish I had this intelligence officer with me. He is a very intelligent
REPORTING OF VIETNAM WAR IN THE PRESS
Senator SYMINGTON. There has been considerable criticism of the war's reporting by the press and news media. What are your thoughts on that?
Mr. KERRY. On that I could definitely comment. I think the press has been extremely negligent in reporting. At one point and at the same time they
have not been able to report because the Government of this country has not allowed them to. I went to Saigon to try to report. We were running
missions in the Mekong Delta. We were running raids through these rivers on an operation called Sealord and we thought it was absurd.
We didn't have helicopter cover often. We seldom had jet aircraft cover. We were out of artillery range. We would go in with two quarter-inch
aluminium hull boats and get shot at and never secure territory or anything except to quote Admiral Zumwalt to show the American flag and prove to the
Vietcong they don't own the rivers. We found they did own them with 60 percent casualties and we thought this was absurd.
I went to Saigon, and told this to a member of the news bureau there and I said, "Look, you have got to tell the American people this story." The
response was, "Well, I can't write that kind of thing. I can't criticize that much because if I do I would lose my accreditation, and we have to be
very careful about just how much we say and when."
We are holding a press conference today, as a matter of fact, at the National Press Building - it might be going on at this minute - in which public
information officers who are members of our group, and former Army reporters, are going to testify to direct orders of censorship in which they had to
take out certain pictures, phrases they couldn't use and so on down the line and, in fact, the information they gave newsmen and directions they gave
newsmen when an operation was going on when the military didn't want the press informed on what was going on they would offer them transportation to
go someplace else, there is something else happened and they would fly a guy 55 miles from where the operation was. So the war has not been reported
I know from a reporter of Time - showed the massacre of 150 Cambodians, these were South Vietnamese troops that did it, but there were American
advisors present and he couldn't even get other newsmen to get it out let alone his own magazine, which doesn't need to be named here. So it is a
terrible problem, and I think that really it is a question of the Government allowing free ideas to be exchanged and if it is going to fight a war
then fight it correctly. The only people who can prevent My Lais are the press and if there is something to hide perhaps we shouldn be there in the
Senator SYMINGTON. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
REQUEST FOR LETTERS SENT TO VIETNAM VETERANS AGAINST WAR
The CHAIRMAN. With regard to the letters you have mentioned, I wondered about them. I have received a great many letters, but usually particularly in
those from Vietnam, the men would say that they would not like me to use them or use their names for fear of retaliation. Of course, I respected their
request. If you have those letters, it might be interesting, if you would like to, and if the writer has no objection, to submit them for the record,
which would be for the information of the committee.
CHANGING MOOD OF TROOPS IN VIETNAM
Mr. KERRY. Senator, I would like to add a comment on that.You see the mood is changing over there and a search and destroy mission is a search and
avoid mission, and troops don't - you know, like that revolt that took place that was mentioned in the New York Times when they refused to go inafter
a piece of dead machinery, because it didn't have any value. They are making their own judgments.
There is a GI movement in this country now as well as over there, and soon these people, these men, who are prescribing wars for these young men to
fight are going to find out they are going to have to find some other men to fight them because are going to change prescriptions. They are going to
have to change doctors, because we are not going to fight for them. That is what they are going to realize. There is now a more militant attitude even
within the military itself, among these soldiers evidenced by the advertisements recently in the New York Times in which members of the First Air
Cavalry publicly signed up and said, "We would march on the 24th if we could be there, but we can't because we are inVietnam." Those men are
subject obviously to some kind of discipline, but people are beginning to be willing to submit to that. And I would just say yes, I would like to
enter the letters in testimony when I can get hold of them and I think you are going to see this will be a continuing thing.
(As of the date of publication the information referred to had not been received.)
The CHAIRMAN. If you would like to we can incorporate some of them in the record.
DOCUMENTARY ENTITLED "THE SELLING OF THE PENTAGON"
This is inspired by your reply to the Senator from Missouri's question. Did you happen to see a documentary called, "The Selling of the
Mr. KERRY. Yes, I did. I thought it was the most powerful and persuasive and helpful. documentary in recent years.
The CHAIRMAN. But you know what happened to CBS? They have been pilloried by the -
Mr. KERRY. They are doing all right.
The CHAIRMAN. You think they can defend themselves?
Mr. KERRY. I think they have; yes,sir. I think the public opinion in this country believes that, "The Selling of the Pentagon." I was a public
information officer before I went to Vietnam, and I know that those things were just the way they said because I conducted several of those tours on a
ship, and I have seen my own men wait hours until people got away, and I have seen cooks put on special uniforms for them.
I have seen good come out for the visitors and everything else. It really happens.
The CHAIRMAN. The Senator from New York has returned. Would he care to ask a question?
RESOLUTION CONCERNING VIETNAM VETERANS' ENCAMPMENT
Senator JAVITS. I don't want to delay either the witness or the committee. Senator Case was tied up on the floor on your resolution on the encampment
and the expected occurred, of course. It has gone to the calendar.
Senator SYMINGTON. If you will yield, Senator. I have to preside at 1 o'clock. I thank you for your testimony.
Mr. KERRY. Thank you, Senator. [Applause.]
Senator JAVITS. It has gone to the calendar but I think the point has been very well made by, I think, the total number of sponsors. There were some
Senator Case was kind enough to express my view. I wish to associate myself with the statement Senator Symington made when I was here as to your
credentials. That is what we always think about with a witness and your credentials couIdn't be higher.
The moral and morale issues you have raised will have to be finally acted upon by the committee. I think it always fires us to a deeper sense of
emergency and dedication when we hear from a young man like yourself in what we know to be the reflection of the attitude of so many others who have
served in a way which the American people so clearly understand. It is not as effective unless you have those credentials. The kind you have.
The only other thing I would like to add is this:
EVALUATION OF TESTIMONY
I hope you will understand me and I think you will agree with me. Your testimony about what you know and what you see, how you feel and how your
colleagues feel, is entitled to the highest standing and priority. When it comes to the bits and pieces of information, you know, like you heard that
Madam Ky is associated with the sale of narcotics or some other guy got a good meal, I hope you will understand as Senators and evaluators of
testimony we have to take that in the context of many other things, but I couldnt think of anybody whose testimony I would rather have and act on from
the point of view of what this is doing to our young men we are sending over there, how they feel about it, what the impact is on the conscience of a
country, what the impact is on even the future of the military services from the point of view of the men who served, than your own.
Thank you very much.
Mr. KERRY. Thank you, Senator. [Applause.]
The CHAIRMAN. Mr. Kerry, I am sure you can sense the committee members appreciate very much your coming. Do you have anything further to say before we
EXPRESSION OF APPRECIATION
Mr. KERRY. No, sir; I would just like to say on behalf of the Vietnam Veterans Against the War that we do appreciate the efforts made by the Senators
to put that resolution on the floor, to help us, help us in their offices in the event we were arrested and particularly for the chance to express the
thoughts that I have put forward today. I appreciate it.
The CHAIRMAN. You have certainly done a remarkable job of it. I can't imagine their having selected a better representative or spokesman.
Thank you very much. [Applause.]
(Whereupon, at 1 p.m. the committee was adjourned subject to the call of the Chair.)
Here are the terms Kerry tried the US to agree upon with the VC
Be it known that the American people and the Vietnamese people are not enemies. The war is carried out in the names of the people of the United States
and South Vietnam, but without our consent. It destroys the land and people of Vietnam. It drains America of its resources, its youth, and its
We hereby agree to end the war on the following terms, so that both peoples can live under the joy of independence and can devote themselves to
building a society based on human equality and respect for the earth. In rejecting the war we also reject all forms of racism and discrimination
against people based on color, class, sex, national origin, and ethnic grouping which form the basis of the war policies, past and present, of the
United States government.
Terms of Peace Treaty
The Americans agree to immediate and total withdrawal from Vietnam, and publicly to set the date by which all U.S. military forces will be removed.
The Vietnamese pledge that as soon as the U. S. government publicly sets a date for total withdrawal: they will enter discussions to secure the
release of all American prisoners, including pilots captured while bombing North Vietnam.
There will be an immediate cease-fire between U. S. forces and those led by the Provisional Revolutionary Government of South Vietnam.
They will enter discussions on the procedures to guarantee the safety of all withdrawing troops.
The Americans pledge to end the imposition of Thieu-Ky-Khiem on the people of South Vietnam in order to insure their right to self-determination and
so that all political prisoners can be released.
The Vietnamese pledge to form a provisional coalition government to organize democratic elections. All parties agree to respect the results of
elections in which all South Vietnamese can participate freely without the presence of any foreign troops.
The South Vietnamese pledge to enter discussion of procedures to guarantee the safety and political freedom of those South Vietnamese who have
collaborated with the U. S. or with U. S. -supported regimes.
The Americans and Vietnamese agree to respect the independence, peace and neutrality of Laos and Cambodia in accord with the 1954 and 1962 Geneva
Conventions and not to interfere in the internal affairs of these two countries.
Upon these points of agreement, we pledge to end the war and resolve all other questions in the spirit of self-determination and mutual respect for
the independence and political freedom of the people of Vietnam and the United States.
By ratifying this agreement, we pledge to take whatever actions are appropriate to implement the terms of the People to people Treaty and to insure
its acceptance by the government of the United States.