Undo: (back again and stealing a few minutes from Real Life, lol )
See if this has any relevance within your research. I'll have to type it because my scanning and uploading skills leave much to be desired:
' Among the known religions of the ancient Near East, Judaism stands in a category by istelf: no attempt to explain its origins in terms of the
religions of ancient Mesopotamia, Syria or Egypt has so far been truly successful, except at the level of mythical borrowings. One such example is
the story of the Flood, which may also be found in the ancient Mesopotamian Epic of Gilgamesh, not to mention other ancient folk myths one of them
Chinese. Yet, even in such instances, one cannot really tell where such myths originated, and who borrowed what from whom. However, as we shall see
later in Chapter 12, it is reasonable to suppose that the true origins of Judaism may be sourght in a trend towards monotheism in ancient Asir, where
a number of mountain gods, such as Yahweh, El Saboath, El Shalom, El Shaddai, El Elyon and others, came to be identified with one another -- how we do
not know -- and eventually recognised as one supreme deity, perhaps in connection with the amalgamation of some local tribes. Adopeted by a local
people called the Iraelites, this rudimentary West Arabian monotheism eventually developed into a highly thoughtful religion with set scriptures,
involving a sophisticated notion of divinity and an exceptionally refined social and ethical content capable of attracting converts from outside the
vicinity of its origin, wherever a certain level of thoughtfulness and moral sensistivity existed. Teh fact that it was a religion with a book,
developed by a literate people, must have facilitated its spread
As for the language of those jewish scriptures, traditionally called Hebrew, it would appear that it was a dialect of a Semitic language commonly
spoken in various parts of South Arabia, West Arabia and Syria (including Palestine) during Biblical times. This one may deduce from an etymological
study of Near Eastern place-names, taking their georgraphic distribution into account. For want of a better word, this ancient language is today
called Canaanite, after the name of one Biblical people who actually spoke it.
Alongside Canaanite, another Semitic language spoke in peninsular Arabia and Syria was Aramaic, so called after the Biblical Aramaens. regardless of
who the Canaanites and Arameans really werel, a matter I return to in Chapter 4, the Canaanite (or Hebrew), and Aramaic languages were certain spoken
by different West Arabian communities at one period of time, much as was the case in Syria. One Biblical passage, if reconsidered in the light of
surveying West Arabian place-names, clearly bears this out. It is Genesis 31:47-49. There we read of a mound called 'the heap of witness', erected
to testify to the convenant between the Hebrew Jacob and his Aramaean maternal uncle and father-in-law Laban. Laban calls it 'Jegar-sahadutha'
(Aramaic ygr shdwt') but Jacob calls it 'Faleed' (Hebrew gl'd) and 'Mizpah' (Hebrew H-msph), meaning a watchpost. All three names are still
carried today by three little-know villages in the same vicinity on the maritime slopes of Asir, in the region of Rijal Alma' (Rigal Alma), west of
Abha (Abha-). Their names are: Far'at AlShahda- ('l 'shd), meaning 'god is witness' or 'god of the witness', the Arabic 'r't or ph'h
denoting a mound or hill, equivalent in meaning to the Aramaic ygr, al-Ha'd ('l-g d), which is an Arabicised metathesis of gl'd; and al-Madha'f
Such being the proximity between Canaanite-speakers and Aramaic-speakers in Biblical West Arabia, the Israelites, I would suggest, were at a loss to
decide to which group they originally belongs. While the normally considered themselves Hebrews (see Chapter 13), according to Deuteronomy 26-5 they
were urged to recall that their ancestor was an Aramaean. This apparent contradiction has long puzzled Bible scholars, but if my supposition is
correct, it makes eminent sense.
More likely than not, the early spread of Judaism from its original West Arabian homeland to Palestine and other lands of the north followed the
routes of the trans-Arabian caravan trade. In the ancient world, the West Arabian region of Asir was a meeting place for caravans carrying the trade
of the lands of the Indian Ocean basin, that is to say India, South Arabia and East Afric, from one direction, and that of Persia-Mesopotamia and the
lands of the Eastern Mediterranean basin, specifically Syria, Egypt and the Aegean world, from the other (see map). Located at the southern corner of
Syria, close to the Egypt, Palestine was the first coastal terminus of the ancient West Arabian commerce in that direction. The first Jewish settlers
there must have been the West Arabian merchants and caravaneers involed in this commerce. These settlers could not have failed to attract local
converts to their religion, which, in terms of intellectual sophistication, by far transcended the local cults and even the high religions of the
Egpytian and Mesopotamian empires. This is exactly what moslem merchant settlers were to do in various parts of Asia and East Africa in later times,
attracting converts to Islam wherever they established themselves, among people who saw in Islam a religion of superior quality to their own.
I am not suggesting that the Jews were the earliest West Arabian settlers in Palestine. The Biblical Philistines (see Chapter 14) must have arrived
there from West Arabia before them, considering that it was they who gave the country its name. Likewise, the Canaanites of West Arabia appear to
have 'spread abroad' (Genesis 10:18) from an early time, giving their name to the land of Canaan (kn'n) along the Syrian coast north of Palestine,
which the Greeks called Phoenicia (for the Faiqua or Phoenicia of Asir, see Chapter 14). That Phoenicia was actually called Canaan by its own
inhabitants is known from a Hellenistic coin from Beirut, which describes this city, in Phoenician, as being 'in Canaan' (b-kn'n), and in Greek as
being 'in Phoenicia'. Writing about the 'the Phoenicians' and 'the Syrians of Pelestine' in the fifth centurty BC;, the Greek historian
Herodotus had no doubts about their West Arabian origin. He worte, concerning both: ' This nation, according to their own account, dwelt anciently on
the sea-coast of Syria, where they still inhabit '. Whatever the antiquity of the earliest West Arabian settlements in coastal Syria, the Philistine
and Canaanite migrations there must in time have grown in volume. According to the historial books of the Hebrew Bible, the Israelite kingdom was
established, no doubt in West Arabia between the late eleventh and early tenth centuries B.C., largely at the expense of such communities as the
Philistines and the Canaanites of the land. Defeated and demoralised by teh Israelites in successive wars, these Philistines and Canaanites probably
increased the rate of their migrations to coastal Syria during the same period.
In Palestine, the Philistines appear to have called a number of their settlements (such as Gaza and Ascalon) after the names of West Arabian towns
from which they came. The Palestinian village of Bayt Dajan (the 'temple' of dgn, or 'Dagon'), near Jaffa, still carries the name of their West
Arabian god (see Chapter 14). North of Palestine, the Canaanites also gave West Arabian names to some of their settlements - names such as Sur
(Tyre), Sidon, Gebal (Greek Byblos), Arwad (Freek Arados), or Lebanon. When the West Arabian Israelites (and perhaps other West Arabian jews) began
to migrate northwards to settle in Palestine, whenever that was, they also gave West Arabian names to some (certainly not all) of their settlements,
or to local cult shrines which they toook over and identified with West Arabian jewish shrines. Among the most obvious and best known are: Jerusalem
(yrwslym), Bethlahem (byt lhm, see Chapter 8), Hebron (hbrwn, see Chapter 13), Carmel (krml), and perhaps Galilee (glyl), Hermon (hrmwn) and the
Jordan (h-yrdn), all of which testify to this. In most parts of the world, at one time or another, nostalgic immigrants have called towns and
regions, mountains, rivers or even whole countries or island by familiar names which they carried with them from the old country. Considering that in
Biblical times the same languages were spoken in West Arabia and Syria, one must not exclude the possibilitiy (indeed the probability) that a number
of places in both areas were originally called by the same names, especially where they denoted particular topographic, hydrological or ecological
features or related to the worship of the same god. In traditional culture, as in language, Syria and Arabia were never far apart. At all stages,
the emigrations from West Arabia in the direction of Palestine and Syria (and perhaps elsewhere) were enhanced by external factors. In Chapter 11 it
will be demonstrated by topnymic evidence that the expedition of the Egyptian king Sheshonk 1 against Judah in the latter decades of the tenth century
B.C., as related in the Hebrew Bible and substantiated by Egpytian records, was directed against West Arabia, not against Palestine and Syria, as has
hitherto been thought. The proper study of another Egyptian expedition mentioned in the Hebrew Bible, that of Necho 11 in the last year of the
seventh century B.C., would show that this expedition also, in which a king of Judah as well as the Babylonians were involved, was directed against
West Arabia.
... Earlier Egyptian military expeditions dating from the second millenium B.C., which have generally been assumed to have been directed against
Palestine and Syria are more likely to have been mostly directed against West Arabia, if the Egyptian records of them are carefully reconsidered in
the light of West Arabian place-names which are still there'
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[edit on 3-5-2010 by Dock9]