It looks like you're using an Ad Blocker.
Please white-list or disable AboveTopSecret.com in your ad-blocking tool.
Some features of ATS will be disabled while you continue to use an ad-blocker.
Originally posted by zarzar
"Falun Gong examples"
Originally posted by IAF101
Also thinking aloud, now that China 'claims' to have the second highest GDP after the US, what is their contribution to international aid ? How much aid have they provided to say Dafur, Myanmar, etc compared to America and Europe ? How much aid is being given to China from other countries in the region ? I dont hear china's name very often when it comes leading donors in any other disaster, while they seem to be whoring this disaster for all its worth.
Actress Sharon Stone, known for her off-the-wall comments, is at it again — this time saying the devastating earthquake in China might have been "karma" for the Communist nation's treatment of Tibet and the Dalai Lama.
Originally posted by qiulin
I don't agree with some of my fellow Chinese in this forum on some points such as liberal democracy doesn't work in China. But we all agree that China has gone through a lot of difficulties and made quite large progress. People need some "benign interaction" between people and the government to continue this economic and political progress while keeping China as a whole nation without becoming another Soviet Union or Yugoslavia.
China has a lot of problems but it's definitely no papercard house. Let's wait and see.
The Chinese Brand of Democracy
By Mark Leonard | Friday, May 16, 2008
Can China produce its own model of democracy separate from Western ideals? In his book, "What Does China Think," Mark Leonard argues that many Chinese intellectuals are looking for a different model altogether — one that evolves naturally from China's unique problems and advantages, rather than being artificially superimposed.
You talk about democracy as if it were a religion which needs to be spread around the world. But elections will not solve any of the problems facing China today.”
The pressing issue for most people, he says, is not "who should run the government?" but "how should the government be run?" He argues that political reform should flow from social problems rather than universal or Western principles.
Most theorists of democracy would rightly reject Pan Wei’s attempt to separate how a government is run from how its leaders are selected: The former is very much a product of the latter.
The legitimacy that comes from elections would strengthen any government that tried to deal with China’s problems — domestically and internationally.
Pan Wei argues that democracy and the rule of law do not need to go together — in fact, like "Ying" and "Yang," they are in constant conflict with one another. Democracy is about giving power to the people, but the rule of law is about putting limits on that power.
Where democracy draws its legitimacy from populism — elections and votes in parliament — the rule of law draws it from entrance exams and performance reviews: "The former is about majority, and the latter about meritocracy."
In the West, according to Pan Wei, we can enjoy both because we have reached a level of material wealth and modernity that allows the two to live side by side, balancing each other in permanent tension.
On the other hand, developing countries do not have that luxury. They have to choose one or the other. Many developing countries from Yugoslavia and Rwanda to Angola and Lebanon have chosen democracy without the rule of law.
On the other hand, Pan Wei claims, a handful of developing countries like Singapore and Hong Kong adopted the rule of law without democracy. They have known nothing but success. Their economies have grown steadily, they have attracted investment, wiped out corruption — and developed strong national identities.
It is no surprise that China’s Communist authorities are taking notice of Pan Wei’s idea of "demythologizing democracy" and separating it from the rule of law. Under his vision, a neutral civil service system would strictly and impartially enforce laws — and propose legislative bills.
A unique Chinese solution
It would be held in permanent check by judges who would be the guardians of the Chinese Constitution. Although it is a long way from reality, Pan Wei has a vision of a high-tech consultative dictatorship, where there are no elections — but decisions made by a responsive government, bound by law and in touch with its citizens’ aspirations.