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Wolfowitz,The EU and Turkey.

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posted on Dec, 4 2002 @ 02:51 PM
THE Bush Administration used the full weight of its considerable diplomatic muscle yesterday to pressure Europe into opening the door for Turkeys entry into the European Union.
The American campaign appeared to have reaped dividends last night when Turkey announced it would open its airbases to US warplanes mounting military operations against Iraq in the event of an offensive against its southern neighbour.

Why would the US want Turkey as a member of the EU?There are two main reasons.

1/The USA wishes to bribe Turkey with the possibility of EU membership.So that it is easier to prosecute its' war against Iraq.
2/It hopes to weaken the EU politically and economically in the long run with a weak member.

Why is Turkey not a member of the EU?

1/It has tortured its prisoners.
2/Human rights violations against minority Kurds
3/Economically it does not reach EU criteria.
4/It is not part of Europe.

Why shouldn't Turkey become the 51st state of the USA?

For exactly the same reasons.

posted on Dec, 4 2002 @ 03:38 PM
So you don't think they should be allowed in? Just wondering.

posted on Dec, 4 2002 @ 03:41 PM
I agree with JB1.

posted on Dec, 4 2002 @ 04:22 PM
It is a con to make the EU weak.After all why worry about a trading block that challenges the US economically when you can burden it with a country like Turkey.

posted on Dec, 4 2002 @ 04:33 PM
JB - you'll hear time and time again in the economic rags that a good EU economy is good for the US and vice versa. So, I don't know if it's a con to try and sink the EU economy. I think they're doing a pretty good job of that on their own. Maybe this would get Turkey out of the US aid umbrella. But, I could more than see why one wouldn't want a country of what, 200 million people, that does mostly agriculture I presume in the EU. That said, Turkey doesn't look that much different than some E. European countries that may wind up in the EU? Where does Europe stop and start anyway? Is Cyprus in Europe? But, ff I was in the EU and had to vote on their admission I'd be more than inclined to vote nay. Another question - do you guys vote on who is and who isn't accepted?

posted on Dec, 4 2002 @ 04:48 PM
Individual governments vote not the people.

Governments in Europe are split as far as expansion is concerned.
The French for example foresee a United States of Europe.Single currency,European army,A strong player to rival the USA.
The British foresee a loose union of nations and so the more expansion the looser the union.
All other countries can be found somewhere in the middle.

I feel that if we're going to have a European Union it may as well be strong with an elected President.

posted on Dec, 4 2002 @ 05:00 PM

Originally posted by Bob88

1) But, I could more than see why one wouldn't want a country of what, 200 million people, that does mostly agriculture I presume in the EU.

2) That said, Turkey doesn't look that much different than some E. European countries that may wind up in the EU?

3) Where does Europe stop and start anyway? Is Cyprus in Europe? But, ff I was in the EU and had to vote on their admission I'd be more than inclined to vote nay.

4) Another question - do you guys vote on who is and who isn't accepted?

1) Cuz we already have many farmers and we don't need more !

2) Hey, wait a minute....These country are all europeans, Turkey is NOT european.

3) Well, it's easy. Europe stop on the Bosphore Channel. And before, Constantinople was an european town, until we lose it in a war against the Ottoman Empire ( former Turkey ). Above Constantinople, it's another continent. It's not europe anymore.

4) Nope, we don't vote. Otherwise, Turkey chance to join the EU would be close to the ABSOLUTE ZERO !

posted on Dec, 5 2002 @ 03:47 AM
Now this is a complex and rewarding topic, J-B (incidentally -massive over-estimates for the population of Turkey posted; and to be precise, the Turks offered use of air bases if there were a second UN resolution).
There are numerous complications: the Turks are in NATO. The Germans have an angle: they are home to millions of Turkish "Gastarbeiter" (Guest workers) whom the Germans have always gone to great lengths to make non-permanent-residents: EU membership would allow them to live there. There is the endless hostility of the Greeks. There is Turkey as an Islamic country (albeit strictly secular).
There are the issues named above although these can be manipulated: Spain and Portugal had far worse human rights records not too long before their admission.

posted on Dec, 5 2002 @ 03:59 AM
1) Turkey is NOT a democratic nation.

2) They slaughtered 1.5 millions Khurdes.

3)They don't understand these 2 words : HUMAN RIGHTS.

4) Turkey is a third-world country.

5) Turkey has now an islamic government.

6) Turkey overunned Cyprus and don't want to leave this Island.

7) Turkey is looking ALLWAYS some problems to the Greeks.

8) Turkey don't share our values and point of view on many matters.

9) Without the former cold war, Turkey didn't have to join the NATO.

10) Turkey is a long date ennemy from Europe.

11) And, GOSH DARN IT, this country IS NOT an European nation.

[Edited on 5-12-2002 by Thomas Crowne]

posted on Dec, 5 2002 @ 10:37 AM
Population of Turkey is around 60 million or so.Of course they are democratic,I'll check later and correct if necessary,I believe they've only just had elections which gave a majority to muslim fundementalists who were elected because they were able to persuade the population that Turkey was becoming too westernised.

The USA has recently stated that it will tolerate no nation challenging the US'S military superiority.France has all the arogance and ambition that it had 100 years ago yet it understands that it can not hope to fulfil it's ambitions on it's own and so it hopes to lead Europe to be an equal to the USA.

Now this is the dangerous bit.The more the USA is seen to bully other smaller nations, and the more France portrays herself as the only one to defend those smaller nations,Then the more public opinion in Europe will swing behind France's vision of a future Europe acting as a strong counter-balance to the USA.

France will not allow Turkey to join the EU because it would weaken it.Ironically I believe it would consider Russia.
Britain,The USA's ally, would except Turkey because it would weaken it.

posted on Dec, 1 2005 @ 06:48 AM
Although I came across this topic some time after it was started I would like to make a few comments.

Regarding the USA support for Turkiye's membership to EU containing possible interests the USA might have against the EU I agree with this point, it is clear to see that USA-UK power-union is quite contrary to what France-(Germany to some extent) would like the EU to shaped into.

The USA-UK are unisome in global interests whereas France and to some extent Germany are clashing. In order to further continue the USA-UK interests they would prefer and work to seeing the EU formation into a more loose gathering of nations, with NATO (hence therefore USA as its military might) whereas the France-German pact is invisioning a more closer "Federal EU State" with a unified political, economic, social and military entity.

As known by nearly everyone energy sources and routes are one of the main instruments to attaining and sustaining world power. With this in mind Turkiye been at a very strategic location to energy resources makes her an interest point to all sides involved the EU (within it the various power poles) and USA. The importance Turkiye has does not only generate from her geographical location but also kindress closeness to the worlds second largest energy basin the causases and central asian Turkish states of Azerbaycan, Turkmenistan, Ozbekistan, Kazakistan and Kirgizistan.

The USA by supporting Turkiye's accession into EU is trying to achieve two "wins" for its interests, primarily with the Turkish membership into EU, both France and Germany will lose its domination within EU, as Turkiye will be the largest member and will have the biggest political say on EU’s internal and international issues, or at least the French and the Germans will have to share their "EU powers" with another nation which happens to have a historically close ties with USA. Both this reason and the fact that with Turkish membership EU will be less likely to be a Franko-Germanic new-millenium empire is an opportunity for USA to preserve its world domination and at least further delay a possible Franko-German EU from challanging its world interests in time.

Another “win” USA is aiming for by supporting Turkiye in her EU venture is to further dilute the nation-state union Turkiye has. This can be much clearly understood if we have a look into USA’s perception and aims within “Greater Middle East” Project, where USA in order to further guarantee her world domination is in an active effort to preserve her power domination over world energy resources and not lose it to any other state or state-pacts. By ensuing Turkiye’s entry into EU USA will be able to further distance Turkiye from possible future federalist unification with other Turkish states in causasia and central asia because USA fears such a closeness could yield further troubles to USA power source domination with a worst case scenario of this Turkish Union been close to Russia. Why would USA risk seeing a more independent and powerefull Turkish nation when it has the availability to “over-rule” a weaker Turkiye by putting some distance between her and her kindress to the east.

My point might seem conradictory to some extent, some may ask why if so Turkiye is so important and EU a possible future global power oppenent to USA, would she like to see Turkiye in EU, well although this setting at first seems conradictory it in fact isnt. Having Turkiye in EU will slow if not prevent a Franco-Germanic EU formation in time which is a possible threat to USA, secondly like O have touched in the above paragraphs, distancing Turkiye from its kindred states towards her east will further in the USA view make her “more managable” to USA interests, so with this strategy USA aims for a “double-victory”

So my contention does support the idea of USA’s alteriar motives in supporting Turkiyes EU accession.

A point i would like to emphasize is the “Greater Middle East” Project the USA is actively aiming for.USA wants to see in her “new world order” governments and states that will pose no direct threats themselves or indirect threats that could benefit other possible competitors to her in world domination namely Russia and China. Which is why the USA under the fraudilant mask of (first removing weapons of mass destruction which was a fiasko) “bringing democry” has invaded Iraq and is eyeing Syria and Iran as these states although not a rival to USA in world domination are independent enough to disagree with her, which the USA is trying to eliminate globally in time. This effort by USA is a global action as can be seen in her dealings with Russia, China, N.Korea Cuba etc.

What USA wants is states with puppet governments that are pro-USA, if they have democracy in the true sense or not is only optional, as can be seen in many pro-USA Arab states and shiekdoms. USA wants complete world domination to only to sustain her growth period.

After having put my points on this matter I would like to touch and clarify my points on some issues put forward by other forumers before me in their posts.

Firstly Turkiye’s population is not 200 million nor is it 60 million it is 71 million (although the population of world Turks numbers over 250 million including other Turkish states in island of Cyprus and central asia and Turkish minority communities left over from the Otoman Empire in Greece, Bulgaria, Romania, Macedonia, Bosnia Iraq and Iran, some 5 million of this total population are migrants scattered globaly of whom about 4 million are residents and citizens of various European states)

Turkey is not 80% agricaltural society as put forward by one forumer, agricultural workforce is some 35% the total workforce, unemployement is about 13% in Turkiye, just to set it in perspective Germany has an unempleyed mass of 10%. Numbers show that Turkiye is Europes 10th largest economy and 5th largest market for private sector. It would also be beneficial to point out that Turkiye is the first and only state that has accepted and succesffuly fullfilled EU trades agreement before her full accession, which dates back over a decade. Annual industrial growth in Turkiye is 4 times higher than EU standards with textile, automotive, construction, machinery, mining and turism pulling the growth.

However because of complex and long interactions between Turks and Europeans in general, there is a big animosity towards Turks and any possible Turkish accession into EU. Turks and Europeans (if I may classify the various nations on the continent under one umbrella) had their first known contact some 3500 years ago when the Hun Turks advanced into the continent and penetrated all the way west to France to find new settlement grounds as they migrated from the steppes of central asia. Of course following that first initial exodus followed another 2000 years of Turkish migration out of central asia, namely the Bulgar Turks (yes the Bulgaria name comes from the the Turkish tribes that settled there before the Slavic tribes started migrating to that region and constituted the majorty they do today), the Macar Hun Turks who settled and and who originated the current name Magyar or Hungary as we know it, also Avars and Kıpchak and Gagavuz Turks settled in current day Germany, Romania, Moldovia and western sections of the black sea coast. Today remnants of these pre-history Turkish settlements (thousands of years before Ottoman Empire was founded) in Europe can be seen in Hungary, Romania Moldovia and most of eastern europe in Turkish villages with intact Turkish customs, although most of these “pre-history” Turkish migrants have assimilated with consecutive migration waves of other nations anda re either Christian and Jew in religious faith. Furthermore genetic research has shown that although central-east europe has has a mixed traces classified under Germanic, Slavic and Greek dna roots, undeniable amount contains Turkish dna roots, and some that contain a mixture of all these.

After these Turkish precense in Europe some thousands of years ago Turks once again had existance in Europe during the Selcuk Empire era before the Ottoman Empire was formed, of course most only know of Turkish precense in Europe with the occurance of Ottoman Empire, out of which current Greece, Bulgaria, Romania, Macedonia, Slovenia, Serbia, Montenegro, Croatia, Bosnia, Slovakia, Albania, Czech, Hungary, Austria (part of), Malta, Moldovia, Ukraine (autonomous Tatar Turk State), Greek Cyprus, Turkish Cyprus, Syria, Iran, Iraq, Israel, Palestine, Saudi Arabia, UAE, Qatar, Yemen, Egypt, Libya, Morrocco, Tunisia, Ethiopia, Sudan, Eritrea, Armenia, Georgia and Azerbaycan have evolved from.

Today we see many anti-Turkish perspectives globally and this is not surprising, with such a vast geographical aspect and variety of cultures living under the Ottoman Empire rule, it can be both clear and also complicated when taking issues relating to Turkiye at hand. It would be further enlighting if we to look at Roman coins during the Hun Turks where the Khan was portrayed as a demonic serpent. Turks have been to the Europeans throughout history what Russia was to the USA or China is today. Because no other nation has been a strong “competitor” to Europe in the passed as Turks have with their vast state-building traditions that has its roots in a rich history that is traced back over 10 000 years, the Europeans have chose to turn a blind eye on this and opted to degrade Turks throughout history, afterall it is the easiest to when confronted with an opposing civilization, no point in gloriying your “enemy” view.

Of course this deep rooted animosity isnt solely based on these facts, also the religious differences between the Turks and Europeans is a major factor, when we consider the previous Turkish migration into Europe some couple of millieniums ago opted the located monoeistic religion of Christianity they were welcomed however when the great majority of Turks converted to Islam and took control of the “holy lands” in middle east Europeans animosity of Turks evolved with religious hatred that flamed the crusaders which persisted all the way to the current formation of the Republic of Turkey less than 100 years ago, where we had Britain, France, Italy, Greek, Bulgarian forces occupy anatolia with slogans of “driving the Turks out of holy lands all the way to Central Asia” this was openly stated by the then British commander Churchill.

Europe having allways faught amoung each other (albeit they have a interest driven union today) have had a hard time accepting a “foreign” body the Turks for more than 3000 years, so today seeing false and degrading comments about Turks is no surprise, we are accused of genocide, accused of been barbaric, accused of not know what “human” is as one forumer commented, this is all normal as we are seen as the main contender for Europe by Europeans as we are the only nation that has challanged it in history and seen as we will in future.

Since 1915 there has been a growing accusation on Turkiye with an alleged genocide supposedly Turks carried out against Armenians. Claims have gone to some extent that some 3 million Armenians were slaughtered by the then Ottoman Empire, however people negate to research the historical facts and rely their propaganda on boks written many decades after the events have taken place that contain false documents and propenderous convictions. If w ego back to that era the decaying of Ottoman Empire had speeded and the above mentioned states had started break away from Ottoman borders wih the backing of Britain and France. On the eastern borders Ottomans were in conflict with the Russians who were trying to grab lands from this falling empire and had opened war, at that time the Armenian minority living inside the Ottoman Empire was scattered throughout its borders with majority living in the east of the country (both Ottoman, Armenian and foreign ie British and French records show that Armenian population within the borders of the empire were less then 1 million and scattered) With Armenia breaking away from the empire the Russians opened another fighting frontier on the east of the country, while the empire was fighting off British, French, Greeks, Bulgarians on west and south. While the clashes and fighting between the Ottoman and Russian/Armenian military forces were been conducted in the east, Armenians with in the empire had started an inter revolt, many bombings and assassinations were carried out by Armenians in Istanbul (then capital), Bursa, Konya (all western cities of the empire) and Armenian minority in the east of the empire with Russian and breakaway Armenian states support started a militia force and conducted total annihilation of Turkish villages in hit and run attacks escaping to the rural mountains, even today we find dozens of mass graves of slaughtered Turks in the east, to date over 50 thousand such bodies have been oncovered.
These were done in couple of years prior to when the alleged Turkish genocide of Armenians had not taken place.

The Ottoman Empire under attack on many fronts had a strifling problem not only tryig fending off regular forces of Russian and Armenian military but also having to deal with Armenian militia within its borders slaughtering Tukish villages and with low resources and poor army thats was weak after years of defending the empires borders on many fronts, naturally the first reaction was by the local Turkish villages to form their own self defence civil forces protecting their villages and their livelyhood, the first obsticle the Armenian militia faced was that of these Turkish villagers defending their safety, however this did not stop the Armenian terror on the east of the empire (with Armenian bombings continuing on the west of the empire), so the then Ottoman commanders ordered that the Armenian villages be removed to south of the coutry away from their contact from breakway Armenia and Russia from where they were getting supplies and support, with limited resources Armenian population in the east of the coutry we ordered to be escorted to south of the coutry towards province of Syria (before it had became independent) a few hundred Armenians were systematically relocated out of the fighting zone towards Syria, during this exedus many died from illness harsy winter conditions and from revenge seeking Ottoman civilian villagers who survived the Armenian militias annihilation of Turkish villages by randomly attacking these relocating Armenian convoys, yes sadly Armenians died but this way in no way an attept at genocide, rather a civil war between two communities and ill fate of war circumstances.

Even the early events of this exedus was commentaded by western missionaries (American, British, French) in the region and no comments of a genocide attempt was documented. The Ottoman records of the time clearly show the commanders and those in charge with twere given clear orders to protect the Armenians during this jurney. Even after the Ottoman Empire collapsed and Mustafa Kemal started a resistance movement agains the invading forces and established the Republic of Turkiye, the peace treaty signed between between the warring sides Turkiye and Europeans agreed on investigating Armenians deaths and if found possible trial of those convisted of autrocities agains Armenians. The newly establish Turkish government opened all its borders and records and handed Ottoman officals in charge then to the British and French governments for their investigation, which lasted for some time with no evidence of a systematic effort to kill Armenians and were released and cleared. However those Armenian militia members who fled the Ottoman Empire having seeing they were not going to be successfull in forming a “Great Armenia” by carving out east of Turkiye settled in America France and Britain and started a propaganda campaing that dates to 1915, they started writing boks, publishing newspapers and gradually started to rally the people of their new lands and tried to convince them of an alleged Armenian genocide. The churches in west hopped on this bandwaggon as it was an opportunity to criminilize muslim Turks as they are considered the “infidels which must be driven out of holy land” so with wide publicty and backing from the church the Armenian diaspora in west started a slurring campaing that roots all the way to 1915.

In time these Armenian militia who had migrated to west gathered economic strenth and assimilated into the cultures of their new homes, entering politics and gaining a different lobbying power in the west, which only further enpowered their propaganda, decades went on where books were written on alleged Armenian genocide based on documents which were later all nailed as fraudulent by objective western historians and scientist, however this was no force to stop the Armenian propaganda which had established it self firm. Turks never reacted to these propaganda until very late when in 1980-90s the Armenian internaitonal terrorist organization named Asala assassinate over a dozen Turkish diplomats worldwide, Turkiye only then realized to what extent this propaganda had come to and called for world historians and scientist to investigate the claims, opened all its Ottoman archives and called on Armenia Britain, France, Russia and all nations involved to do so too to finally have the truth out and in open, Armenia was then under Soviet rule. Many historians and scientist including independent bodies of western university and think-tank organization members took upon the challenge and investigated all the facts and documented that no acts of genocide had occured and proved the many so called “factual” books written by the Armenian diaspora are based on fraudulent documents and claims, the Armenian terror organization this time turned its target to these historians and scientist who happened to be the citizens of their new home and acts of arsonry, threats both violant and political were applied on these historians and scientiest and they were made quite, in the meanwhile Armenian diaspora crated a pop-culture based on their hatred and victimized Turks in media and politics up until present time.

Contrary to all these allegations, Syria has a Armenian population close to 1 million, remnants of those who were resettled there by the Ottoman Empire in an effort to prevent stabbed internally while fighting Russia. There are dozens of villages in the eastern regions of present day Turkey that are completely Armenian, and thousands of Ottoman Armenians live on all cities of Turkiye majorily Istanbul, Izmir and Bursa. Many of these people do not recite such propaganda and have memories of intercommunal clashes by some of the two sides and many of them claim they have helped each other during those hard times instead of fight each other.

Besides all these facts Turkiye has always insisted an independent body of investigators be formed under the guidance of UN and called for all nations involved to take part on this, with constant refusal by Armenia and non cooperation. Even this year Turkiye’s government has sent speacial letters and envoys to Armenia’s government to this effect but without any cooperation. It seems as though they seem to run away from arguing their contention and do not want a thorough incestigation which could only bring out the truth once again. Yet the world media and biasedly informed masses of people have been brainwashed into a pop-hatred that has victimized a nation.

Another pop-hatred propaganda running nation that did not “managed to get all they want” from the crumbling Ottoman Empire and still have land claims on modern day Turkiye even after the peace treaties some 90 years ago is Greece. With suc an ideoligy of “megalo-idea” or in english “great-idea” Greece has since the collapse of Ottoman Empire continually acitively aggrevated her attempts to expand Greek borders with many faceted claims, these namely been the annihilation of Tutkish majority on the island of Crete (which they succeded in by killing the majority of the Turkish population there that could not escape), complete annexation of the island of Cyprus and joining it to mainland Greece, expanding their naval borders in Aegean sea to 12 nautical miles therefore giving Turkiye choking Turkish offshore to Aegean, annexing the anatolian city of Izmir and making it part of easter Greece, reestablishing the Trabzon Pontus Empire on the easter black sea of Turkiye (which was a Greek colony some 700 years ago and has been inhabited by Turks ever since). With such expansionalist national policy, Greeks have done all they can to lobby agains Turks in the last 100 years as they can with false claims and bending of the facts.

The most popular known issue between the two nations is the issue of Cyprus. Greeks claim that Turks out of no where with their barbaric way of life invaded the islan in 1970’s and should be punished. If people of the world just look at the pop-hatred fullfilled expantionalist alterior movite carrying claims they will see Turks as the culprits who should be hated, however if we were to analyze the history of Cyprus and its historical evolution we can see a completely different Picture.

Going back to 1500’s Cyprus was inhabited with people similar to the Greek mainland people and many mixed nations including Arabs, Venecians and Turks who were trading via meditteranean. The then Ottoman Sultan like any other King, Queen, Czar of the time wanted his empire to have greater power and thus annexed Cyprus under his rule, just like USA wanting middle east energy sources and annexing Iraq and forming her own puppet governments in many other nations if not physically invading.

With this fact in mind we can see that Turkish precense on the island of Cyprus did not occur with “Turkish invasion” of it in 1970’s but have been there for over 500 years. Cyprus as a geographical entity belonged to the Turks up until the outbreak of Turkish-Russian wars before WW1, with Ottoman Empire decaying and facing conflicts on many fronts and Russians threatening and actively laying war to get control of the Ottoman straits of bosphorus so they can open their naval force to meditteranean sea put great straints on the Ottoman means and they signed a pact with Britain for their help against the Russians in exchange for lease of Cyprus for 50 years to British, later on with the break of WW1 the British took force against the crumbling Ottoman Empire and tried to sieze lands and divide it even further, with this opportunity British claimed sovereighnty over Cyprus as even then they could see the potential of the middle east energy resources and saw Cyprus as a strategic advantage and never gave it back to the Ottoman Empire which they had leased it from with a treaty. However coming to present times with the crumbling of British Empire and rise of Cyprus Turkish and Greek peoples demands for independence forced Britain to easen its hold on the island and resulting in the establishment of Republic of Cyprus as an independent country, with Turkiye, Greece and Britain been guarantors of the island and on condition Britain keep her military facilities on this newly independent island nation.

The constitution was laid out with equal rights given to the Turkish and Greek communities on the island, even political seats were in the parlimant were laid out with power alternating between the two communities at several years. And the three forces outside the island that had historical roots and modern day interests on the island were given “special” constitutional rights where the islands major decisions including associations to international organizations could only done if both the mainland Turkiye and Greece were members too. With the eqaliterian constitution laid out and both communitites accepted equal Makarious from the Greek community side was appointed the first President.

These developments on their country was a source of joy for both Turkish and Greek communities on the island and they embraced their newly founded country with excitement.
However while there was a great opposition to this outcome by the “megalo-idea”list Greeks both on mainland Greece and on island of Cyprus. The military coup in mainland Greece further enflamed the nationalistic Greeks on Cyprus who had not been comfotable with Turks of the island given equal rights and started organizing into armed forces, with support from Greek nationalist on mainland Greece they received arms and military training in covert organizations and in mid 1960’s they started their onslaught into Turkish villages and started massacaring enmass, while this carnage was going on Makarious (the leader of the newly establish Republic of Cyprus) made a 180 turn and started to debate publicly whether Turks should be given equal rights and insisted that these rights should be redrawn and reduced, this political fiasko and massacres of Turkish villages by Greek racist-nationals resulted in the Turkish parlimanterians of Cyprus to withdraw from government in an attempt to protest the events and get international attention. Turkiye alarmed at these events brought up the issue first with Greece but found no counterpart there as the ultra-nationalistic military was in rule after the coup, rang Britains door and didnt hear any solutions given so brought up the subject at the UN, the UN announced the these autrocities to stop and continue where the Cyprus constitution was left. However this wasnt enough as the coup in Greece sent in military to bolster the Greek militia on Cyprus and increased their campaigns against the Turkish community, who had out of fear for their lives had congregated to the north east of the island leaving their homes which they once lived across the island, the idea of unifiying Cyprus with mainland Greece was at its most outspoken at this time even Makarious had press releases claiming “this is a holy war, the greates aim of all Greeks on the mainland and Cyprus is our unification, and extermination of Turks like we did on Crete”

Turkiye in disbelief called on the international community to act and prevent these physicall autrocities and political annihilation of the Turkish community on the island, with dismay Turkiye got no help, so in an effort to prevent further slaughter of Turkish population and with rights envested in her in Cyprus constition as one of the three guardians of it (the others been Greece and Britain) acted to intervene and put an end to this extermination attempt and sent forces. In a quick and swift operation they drove away the Greek mainland forces and Greek Cypriot militia away from where the Turkish community had escaped to and divided the island between two communities this forcible peace put an end to the slaughter of people, and further enraged the Greeks pop-hatred of anti-Turkish propaganda. An interesting point of fact is the Turkish peace force could have taken the whole of the island in less then two days yet only drew a line between the two communities to stop the attempted bloodshed. After this forcible peace the Greek generals in mainland Greece lost “face” and lost their control of coup resulting in a civilian govenrment.

The following years saw Turkiye call on the international community on a settlement between the two communities yet interventions never went further beyond talks which the Greek side claimed total rights to the island, with international Greek propaganda Turkiye was further aliniated as an invading country, keeping in mind that many western parliaments have Greek and Armenian ethnic members for example in the USA they number nearly 1/6th of the USA congressmen is just a show of the lobby might they have and how over years they have managed to criminilize Turkiye and how succesfull their false propaganda is. This “upperhand” on international politics allowed the Greeks and Greek Cypriots to be even further away from a just settlement. Without any resolve the Turkish Cypriots annouced their independent country Turkish Republic Of Northern Cyprus in 1981, yet have have always answered to international calls to reunification of the island and bring a lasting peace but Greeks and Greek Cypriots always refused all the way to the political blunder EU made when they signalled they will accept Greek Cyprus into EU even if reunification wasnt to be achived which further enpowered the Greek side and resulted in them once again saying no to unification polls recently conducted on both sides of the island to which Turkish side said yes.

The history of Cyprus issue is a great example of how politics and propaganda can place false acceptances above truth and reality.

Facing such strong anti-Turkish propaganda drummed by two nations who have a historical grudge against Turks for hundreds of years, and the fact that these two nations have a deep rooted western settlement and political economic and thus influential power in west which shapes the world views and to a great extend shapes international issues it is no surprise Turks/Turkiye are accused of many things.

Like these accusations were not enough Turks are portrayed as the anti-human backwards people that do not respect rights of basic human rights and live under a totalitarian racist regime. They are condemmed for human rights abuses against its own citizens of different ethnic backgrouds, namely the Kurds. However issues when looked at face value are perceived much different then what reality holds.

In regards to the equality of the Turkish society one must look objectively into history, a nation which uphed civilization during its time in an empire consisting over 20 main cultures, sub-cultures 10 folds that, 4 different religions beliefs for over 500 years unitl its decay and break up can not be accused so cheaply. With the modern foundation Republic Of Turkiye she recognized all ethnic compositions within its borders and even gave minority rights in her constitution. While everyone in the history of Turkiye has been free at will to speak their ethnic language live their cultural and religious beliefs under respect a sysnthetic proble has been created, the Kurdish issue.

This issue started in late 1970’s when then Soviets werent too happy with Turkiye’s stance as USA ally and envisiganed a break up of Turkiye creating and provoking ethnic friction, and started to fund financially and militarily a Communist named Abdullah Ocalan, who formed a group of militia and started a terror campaign against the state and civilians. The Soviet way of divide, disintegrate and rule had been successfull in central asia so they saw it a way so “getr id” one of Americas most staunchest ally and lessen the proximity of Nato on her borders.

Abdullah Ocalan and his terror organization PKK founded on community ethnic doctrine, started killing and terrorising villages in te south east of the country, first not discriminating against their targets whether they be ethnic Turks, Kurds or Arabs, they wanted the people to fear them and bring some noise, which they did, villagers of the region either fled to new locations or were subdued to the demands of these terrorist, in years PKK managed to get sympathesizers amoung the locals, however after many raids on the PKK terror camps by the government forces revealed that many were not circumsized (which is a Islamic regulation on males) and held Armenian identification documents, these PKK terrorists were recruited from Armenian villages in Soviests and Syria (decendants of those Armenians who were relocated during the Ottoman Empire). This just shows that the origins of the so called Kurdish issue was based on anything other than an oppressed people seeking for human rights.

After the collapse of the Soviets, the support PKK received from ceased but PKK had established it self so it continued to live and furthered its terror acts killing tens of thouands of civilians burning villages whose occupants didnt support them and forcing a mass migration which has seen millions of south easter citizens migrating to west of the country.

This turmoil created by the PKK created instability and hindered investments to the region, hindered education, which further brought problems of its own, creating new generations of un educated, jobless army of youth that were hopeless and seeked a branch to hold on to, this is where PKK flourished in getting it self accepted as a “freedom fighter” instead of been seen as what it is a terror organization with political upbringings for foriegn interest. This utopic image magink of PKK found some ground on the hopeless youth of south east and PKK started recruiting not only from Armenians but also from Kurdish villagers as well.

From this point on PKK got more coverage on the international media as a revolt for human rights, however the UN and nearly all nations have condemmed it as a terrorist organization.

Turkiye was spending a considerable of its resource to defend against the 20 year enduring terror campaigns and this meant military expenditures were magnified. This of course served for the USA military industry who made great gains from this conflict selling arms to Turkiye.
Sustaining a controlled crisis for Turkiye was profitable venture for Turkiye with who she was an ally with. With on going establishment of PKK in time, the Greek-Armenian alliance did all they can internationally to do their lobbying support for the PKK terrorist and gave birth to another endemic false portrayel of ethnic groups namel Kurds in Turkiye not having human rights, assisted by many factions in the west who have a deep rooted pysche of anti-Turk hatred dating a few thousand years, the church and NGO’s jumped on the bandwaggon and internationaly an issue of Kurdish minority has been created.

This is all and ironic baseless problem that has been created in a country whose founder (Mustafa Kemal) has at many occations have said Turks and Kurds are brothers and same, intermarraging for over 1000 years intertwined, a coutry where you can hear concerts in Kurdish, a nation with a parlimant has many Kurdish parlimanterians, where politicians who openly and freely can claim they are of Kurdish ethnicit have became State Ministers, Foreign Ministers and Prime Minister and even Presidents. A nation where the local people of the south east have electoral rights to elect one of their on in local governings, and these local governers talk to their Kurdish kindred in Kurdish without any problems. In a country where Kurdish you can enlist in classes to learn Kurdish language and cuture.

Without seeing the otherside of the story and taking the easy route of taking allegations on face value can lead to criminilazing a nation and her history.

Isnt it interesting to know that many PKK terrorist when found dead documented to be ethnic Armenians, isnt it strange that Greek generals have been caught on intelligence tapes in the remote mountains of northern Iraq training PKK terrorists, Isnt it interesting that when the PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan was caught he had a Greek passport on him, Isnt it compelling to know Greece, Armenia and Cypriot Greeks are in a military pact?

Isnt it also interesting know that Armenia has ethically cleansed Azeri Turks out of Nagorno-Karabag during the 1990’s and is still occupying the region, isnt is interesting that modern day maps published in Armenia (including their education system) show east Turkiye as part of Armenia, isnt it interesting to know that Armenia opposes any form of international UN guilded investigation of alleged genocide, Isnt it interesting to know that there is a Turkish minority left over from the Ottomans in Bulgaria numbering over 2 million of which over 1 million were forced to relocate to Turkiye only a decade or so ago, Isnt it interesting that another 400 thousand Turks live in current Greece yet the Greek government refuses to name them Turkish minority instead calling them Muslim Greeks, Isnt it interesting to know that these Turks in Greece are allowed to sell their property only to ethnic Greeks and not to another ethnic Turk, Isnt it interesting to know that these Turks can not attain their religous leaders but instead have to make do with only a couple attained from Athens, Isnt it interesting to know that text books used in the Turkish town schools in Greece are state provided claim man will one day step on moon that they are predated decades, Isnt it interesting that muslims house of worships in Greece are legally not allowed to be renovated or new ones made and left to detioration, Isnt it interesting that EU has only made mention of these human rights violations to Greece once and have not done anything for decades and kept a close eye? Isnt it interesting?

If truth is what is sought on international issues and if the real aim is to bring justice to issues we must learn to over look the popular beliefs as they might contain deep rooted psychological hatreds going back thousands of years. We must be more objectionable when accusing a nation and throughly investigate history by looking on both sides and listening to objectionable people who have no personal interests in the issues involved.

All this shows the primary difference between Turkish and Greek-Armenian (to a greater extent western) psychology, where as the latter belive in aims motivated politics and interpretations of events and reality (afterall “politica” is a Greek invention, Turks on the other hand have through out history believed that truth will one day prevail, that justice is inescapable, and see themselves in advantage when they do what is just even if the outcome seems like a loss to them by others, in other words its the difference between how you get there then where you end up, because only justice and truthfullness will result in an end that is the ultimate victory.

posted on Dec, 2 2005 @ 11:15 AM
Here is a long article on any one who wants to inform themselves of the history of Turks and Turkey:

The Republic of Turkey, founded in 1923, has its roots in two historical sources deep in the depths of the past. One of these resources inherited by modern Turkey is the successful and shining history of the Turks over a time frame of more than 4,000 years. The other is the fact that Turks have been settled in Anatolia since the 11th century.

The Huns
The first Turkish tribe that is mentioned in history is the Huns. Clear records about the Huns made their appearance in the 8th century B.C. Chinese sources refer to the Huns as Hiung-nu and in time, some of the Huns migrated to the West.

The Gokturks
Founded in 552 AD by Bumin Khan, the Gokturks engaged in widespread diplomatic activity. The famed Orhun epitaphs from this period are made up of the tombstone

inscriptions of Tonyukuk (d.720), Kültigin (d.731) and Bilge Kagan (d.734)

The Uygurs
The rule of the Göktürks was brought to an end in the year 745 by the Uygurs, who were of the same ethnic stock as themselves. In this manner all the Turks who had converged under the banner of the Göktürks were dispersed to that of the Uygurs that the agricultural basin where they lived became known as Turkistan. In the year 1229, the Mongols put an end to Uygur sovereignty; the Uygurs however, became their cultural and political mentors.

The Turks and Islam

Contacts between the Turks and Arabs commenced at the beginning of the 8th century and some of the Turks began to favour Islam. However the pro-Arab policies of the Omayads (661-750 A.D) restricted these relations somewhat. Later, many Moslem Turks took office in the Abbside government and because of this, great interest in the Islamic world spread among the Turks beyond the River Ceyhun. Commercial caravans also played a major role in the spread of Islam into the steppes of Central Asia. The Turks became fully Moslem by the 10th century, and this resulted in the achievement to political unity. Following these developments, the first Moslem Turkish state was formed by the Karahans.

The Karahans
The Karahans ruled between 990-1212 in Turkistan and Maveraünnehir. The reign of the Karahans is especially significant from the point of view of Turkish culture and art history. It is during this period that mosques, schools, bridges and caravansarays were constructed in the cities. Buhara and Samarkand became centres of learning. In the period, the Turkish language found the means to develop. Among the most important works of the period is Kutadgu Bilik (translated as "The Knowledge That Gives Happiness") written by Yusuf Has Hacib, between the years 1069-1070.

The Ghaznavids
The Ghaznavi state was formed in the year 963 by the Turkish ruler Sevuktekin and is one of the first Moslem Turkish states and worked relentlessly for the expansion of Islam in India. The Ghaznavids finally collapsed in 1186 and were assimilated by the Oguz.
The Turkish scholar Ebu Reyhan el-Beyruni makes this period an important one within Islamic cultural history and wrote the famed work by the poet Firdevsi, the Şehname, was also written in this period

(A.D. 1009)

The Seljuks
The Oğuz, who destroyed the Ghaznavid state, succeeded in bringing Anatolia, Iraq, the southern part of the Caucasus, Azerbaijan and the north of Iran under Turkish rule. The Oğuz had first formed the Gökütrk Empire in the 6th century; after the expansion of Islam among the Turks, but among the Turks the Oguz came to be called the Turkmens.

Tuğrul Bey and Çağrı (Çakır) Bey were the grandsons of Seljuks whose name the Seljuks Dynasty adopted. In their time they, and the Oğuz, known as the Seljuks in history, subdued Horasan, defeated the Ghaznavid ruler Mesud in Dandanakan Battle and established the Great Seljuk empire in 1040.

In 1071, Alp Arslan (1063-1072) fought the battle of Malazgirt and having defeated the Byzantine Emperor's forces in this battle opened the doors of Anatolia to the Moslem Turk.

The year 1071 is considered to be the beginning of the Turks and that of Islam Anatolia. It is following this date that the Turks fully conquered the whole of Anatolia and established the Anatolian Seljuk state there as a part of the great Seljuk Empire.

The first schooling institutions, the Moslem theological medreses, were formed in Anatolia during the time of Kılıç Arslan (1153-1192), one in Konya and the other in Aksaray. Following the establishment of these two medreses the medreses of Syrcaly in Konya (1242-1243), Karatay (1251), İnce Minareli (1251-1253), Atabekkiye (after 1251-1268), Gökmedrese in Sivas (1271), Buruciye (1271-1272), Çifte Minareli (1271), and the Cacoglu in Kirsehir (1272) were established.

The Seljuks also attributed much importance to the medical sciences and in almost all their cities medical institutions called Darush-Shifa, Darul-Afiye and Darus-Sihna and hospitals were set up. The main medical treatment centres are the Gevher Nesibe in Kayseri (1205), the Izzettin I Keykavus in Sivas (1217), the Torumtay in Amasya (1266), the Muinuddin Pervane in Tokat (1275) and the Pervaneoglu Ali in Kastamonu (1272).

Because of the Persian influence coming from Iran among the intellectuals, the administrators, the men of arts and the traders, the Anatolian Seljuk state became increasingly affected by Iranian culture and language.

The Beyliks - The Period Principalities

Political unity in Anatolia was disrupted from the time of the collapse of the Anatolia Seljuk State at the beginning of the 14th century (1308), when until the beginning of the 16th century each of the regions in the country fell under the domination of Beyliks (Principalities). Eventually, the Ottoman Principality which destroyed all the other Principalities and restored political unity in Anatolia, was established in the Eskişehir, Bilecik and Bursa areas.

On the other hand, the area in central Anatolia east of the Ankara-Aksaray line as far as the area of Erzurum remained under the administration of the Ilhani General Governor until 1336. The infighting in Ilhan gave the principalities in Anatolia their complete independence. In addition to this, new Turkish principalities were formed in the localities previously under Ilhan occupation.

During the 14th century, the Turkomans, who made up the western Turks, started to re-establish their previous political sovereignty in the Islamic world.

Rapid developments in the Turkish language and culture toot place during the time of the Anatolia Principalities. In this period, the Turkish language began to be used in the sciences and in literature, and became the official language of the Principalities. New medreses were established and progress was made in the medical sciences during this period.

Gülşehri, Nesimi (d.1404) and ahmedi (1325-1412) are the prominent Turkish language poets of the 15th century.

posted on Dec, 2 2005 @ 11:15 AM
The Ottomans
The Ottoman Principality was founded by a Turkoman tribe living on the Turkish-Byzantine border. The geographic location of the principality and the weak state of the Byzantines combined to make the Ottoman principality the strongest state within the Islamic world by the 14th century.

When Fatih Sultah Mehmet II. conguered the Byzantine capital in 1453, the Ottoman state became the strongest of the time. The tolerant approach taken by Fatih Sultan Mehmet II toward other religions and to the adherents thereof became a tradition accepted by his successors. Following the capture of Istanbul, the Orthodox Church was freed from obedience to the Catholic Church and granted its independence.

On the other hand, the technical superiority of the Ottoman army began to be evident during the reign of Selim I. The Ottomans has added, in addition to the major part of east Anatolia, the lands considered holy in the Islamic world-Mecca and Medine and their territories.

The brightest period of the Ottoman State was during the reign of Sultan Suleyman (1520-1555) when the boundaries of the Empire spread from the outskirts of Vienna to the Persian Gulf and from the Crimea to an expanded north Africa as far as Ethiopia.

The Ottoman empire continued to acquire territory until the middle of the 17th century. In 1683, it suffered its first major defeat in the siege of Vienna.

As the losses of land and sought continued, the Ottoman Empire sought salvation in a series of reform movements and established education institutions taking after the western institutions which had shown great developments after the Renaissance.

The declaration of the "Tanzimat" Reform movement in 1839 is considered a major link in the chain of modernization events which had continued unabated since the beginning of the 17th century.

The Tanzimat Decree is considered to be a kind of constitution which gave Turkey the means to enter road to contemporary civilization.

The principles inherent in the Tanzimat Reform Decree thereby laid the basis for the constitutional regime of modern Turkey and the realization of secularism.

Despite many internal problems and disturbances during the reign of Abdülaziz (1861-1876) the effects of westernization in society became even more evident. Namık Kemal, Ziya Pasha, Mustafa Fazıl Pasha and his friends published the newspaper "Hürriyet" (Freedom) in London in the year 1864. The literary themes of the newspaper later gave way to political issues. Although it is because of these trends that the first constitution was promulgated under the leadership of Mithat Pasha in 1876, Sultan Abdülhamid II (1876-1909) used the Ottoman-Russian war (1877-78) as an excuse to dissolve Parliament and effectively put an end to this constitutional period. The Ottoman empire entered the First World War in 1914 on the side of the allied powers.

The Ottoman State emerged defeated from the war, together with its allies, and was compelled to sign the Mudrow Armistice on October 30, 1918. Also among the terms of the armistice was a provision that the cocupying powers might occupy areas deemed to be of strategic importance; the powers started therefore to occupy Anatolia on November 1, 1918 according to these terms.

On May 15, 1919, the Greeks occupied Yzmir. A national resistance movement commenced. In many areas of the country the Society For Defence of Rights (Müdafaa-i Hukuk) started to spring up, and the military arm of the society, called the Kuvayi Milliye. Started to take action.

The resistance movement was, until Mustafa Kemal landed at Samsun, sporadic and disorganized; under his leadership the resistance became cohesive, its forces progressively turned into an organized army and the movement became a full scale war of independence.

The First World War and the Mondros Cease-Fire Agreement

The Ottomans joined the First World War in 1914 as a result of fait accompli. During the war, the empire suffered a loss of four hundred thousand casualties and being defeated by the Allies, signed an armistice at Mondros on October 30, 1918. Following this armistice, the Ottomans were forced to sign the Sevres Treaty on August 10, 1920 which aimed at dividing the lands of the empire.

The Turkish nation in protest to the Mondros Armistice and the Sevres Treaty started its War of Liberation under the command of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. After the victory, the Turkish Grand National Assembly in Ankara abolished the office of the Sultan on November 1, 1922, thus ending 631 years of Ottoman rule in the world.

Efforts to Disintegrate the Empire

The Ottoman Empire collapsed on October 30, 1918, when the Mondros Armistice was signed, after the Ottoman state and its allies had lost the Great War. The treaty had very severe terms some of which were: The Straits of the Bosphorus and the Dardanelles would be open to the ships of the Entente Powers; Turkish military fortifications would be occupied; the Ottoman Army would be demobilized; Turkish warships would be surrendered to the Entente Powers; all means of comunication and ammunition stores would be controlled by the Entente Powers; all Turkish institutions and transport could be used by the Entente Powers. Article 7 of the Treaty, which was the most intolerable of all, stated "In the event of a situation threatening their security, the Entente Powers have the right to occupy any area of strategic importance". According to this, the Entente Powers could occupy the country when they wished. In fact, after a short period, the Entente Powers began to occupy the country for trivial reasons. The occupation began on November 1,1918. They first landed their troops at Mosul, Iskenderun, the Straits of the Bosphorus and the Dardanelles, then they occupied various parts of Anatolia and Thrace. Meanwhile, England had proposed that the straits would have an international stutus; some Arab and Armaneian regions would cede from Turkey and a small part of land would be left to the Sultan with Konya or Bursa as the capital. In accordance with this, the Entente Powers had Greek troops landed at Izmir on May 15, 1919, under the protection of their own battleships. With this incident, the Ottoman State actually collapsed, and its legal existence was to be determined at the peace conference according to the wishes of the Entente Powers.

Subversive Organizations

Shortly after the Mondros Treaty, many organizations and societies appeared which were against national independence. Besides such pro-Ottoman and caliphate societies as the "Sulh ve Selameti Osmaniye Firkasi (Peace and Ottoman Salvation Party), the "Teali Islam Cemiyeti" (Moslem Promotion Society), the "Hürriyet ve Itilaf Firkasi" (Liberty and Entente Party), there were other societies of the minorities such as the "Mavrimira" and the "Pontus Society". Their subversive activities during the First World War continued after the Treaty in order to prevent Turks from establishing a Notional State in Anatolia.

posted on Dec, 2 2005 @ 11:16 AM
The National War

Throughout its history, the Turkish nation had not faced such difficult conditions. Between the years 1911 and 1918, she was forced to enter three wars, ending in the defeat of the Turkish Army; and these wars caused much material and moral damage. The only source of hope for the Turkish nation which had become weak, tired and helpless was the belief in liberty and independence. With this belief, people began to organize under the name "Müdafaai Hukuk Cemiyetleri" (Societies for the Defence of Rights). There were; the "Trakya-Pasaeli Müdafaa Heyeti Osmaniyesi" (Ottoman Defence Committee of Thrace-Pasaeli), the "Izmir Müdafaai Hukuk Osmaniye Cemiyeti" (Izmir Society for the Defence of Ottoman Rights), the "Sarki Anadolu Müdafaai Hukuk Cemiyeti" (Society for the Defence of the Rights of the Eastern Provinces), the "Hareketi Milliye-Reddi Ilhak Teskilati" (The National Movement-Organisation for the Rejection of Annextion), and the "Trabzon Muhafazai Hukuk Cemiyeti" (Society for the Protection of the Rights of Trabzon). These organizations which were all nationalistic, united at the Sivas Congress under the name "Anadolu ve Rumeli Müdafaai Hukuk Cemiyeti" (Society for the Defence of the Rights of Thrace and Anatolia).

Erzurum and Sivas Congresses

After the occupation of Izmir by the Greeks, on May 16, 1919, General Mustafa Kemal was sent to Anatolia as the 9th Army Inspector with full authority. His landing in Samsun on May 19, 1919, is considered as the beginning of the War of Liberation. The fact that the Anatolian Revolution began on May 19th may be well understood from some words of the report prepared by Mustafa Kemal shortly after landing in Samsun on May 22: "Turks can not endure foreign control or protection. The Greeks have no right in Izmir. The occupation is not permanent. The Nation believes in Turkish Nationalism and agrees on the principle of national sovereignty. It will try to achieve this". General Mustafa Kemal, who had the support of the people, moved from Samsun to Amasya. After consultations with army commanders and governors, he prepared a circular note, the Amasya Letter (Amasya Tamimi) and issued it on June 21-22, 1919. This letter was signed by General Mustafa Kemal, Rauf (Orbay), General Ali Fuat (Cebesoy) and Refet (Bele). The aim of the circular was to make public that the unity of the country was at stake; the Istanbul Government was weak and helpless; the nation was determined to be independent, and it was necessary to hold a national congress in Sivas. After the issue of the Amasya Letter, the Istanbul Government, under English pressure, relieved Mustafa Kemal of his duties. In opposition to this, General Mustafa Kemal resigned from the Army. Continuing his efforts, he held the Erzurum Congress on July 23, 1919. This Congress, which elected Mustafa Kemal president, lasted 14 days and at its conclusion, the following decisions were taken: "The nation will oppose every kind of foreign occupation and interference; an interim government will be formed in the event of the failure of the Ottoman Government to safeguard the independence of the country; the nation's willpower is supreme; Christians cannot be given any concessions which could disturb political order; mandates or protectorates can not be accepted; a national assembly should immediately be formed." In addition, in order to organize the national societies in the eastern provinces, a statute was prepared. The Sivas Congress was held on September 4, 1919. Here the decisions of the Erzurum Congress were re-examined, and it was agreed that the national societies throughout the country would be united under the name "Anadolu ve Rumeli Müdafaai Hukuk Cemiyeti" (Society for the Defence of the Rights of Anatolia and Thrace). Character. The Istanbul Government tried to prevent the congress, but was unsuccessful.

With this action of the Istanbul Government, relations between Anatolia and the Istanbul Government were completely broken off. On September 13-14, 1919, Mustafa Kemal informed the commanders, the governors and the Sultan in the name of the Congress that "the Council of Representatives" would represent the Turkish Nation. Upon this, the Damat Ferit Pasa Government fell and it was replaced by the General Ali Riza Government. Mustafa Kemal promised to help General Ali Riza on the condition that he respected the decisions taken at the Erzurum and Sivas Congresses. On October 20, 1919, Mustafa Kemal, as Chairman of the Council of Representatives, and General Salih, the Minister of the Navy of the Istanbul Government signed the Amasya Protocol with which it was agreed that free elections would be held to elect deputies, the resolutions and decisions of the Sivas Congress would be accepted, and the "National Assembly" should meet somewhere other than Istanbul, for security reasons. However, the National Assembly met in Istanbul and Mustafa Kemal was elected Erzurum Deputy.

In the meantime, a meeting was held in Sivas with commanders, members of the Council of Representatives, and others. At this meeting, the conditions were examined and some resolutions were agreed upon. Besides, on December 27, 1919, Mustafa Kemal moved to Ankara where there were more suitable conditions for coordination of the activities.

National Pact

The Ottoman Parliament met in Istanbul on January 12, 1920, under the majority of the members of the "Defence of Rights". On January 28th , the Parliament made public that it accepted the "National Pact" in conformity with the principles of the Sivas Congress and the decision of the Society for the Defence of the Rights of Anatolia and Thrace (The Society for the Protection of Anatolian and Rumelian Rights). The principles of the"National Pact" were as follows:

1-The future of the territories inhabited by an Arabmajority at the time of the signing of the Mondros Treaty will be determined by a referendum. On the other hand, the territories which were not occupied at that time and inhabited by a Turkish-Moslem majority are the homeland of the Turkish nation.

2-The status of Kars, Ardahan and Artvin may be determined by a referendum.

3-The status of Western Thrace will be determined by the votes of its inhabitants.

4-The security of Istanbul and Marmara should be provided for. Transport and free-trade on the Straits of the Bosphorus and the Dardanelles will be determined by Turkey and other concerned countries.

5-The rights of minorities will be issued on condition that the rights of the Moslem minorities in neighboring countries are protected.

6-In order to develop in every field, the country should be independent and free; all restrictions on political, judicial and financial development will be removed.

With the beginning of the Greek attacks on the western front on March 3, 1920, the General Ali Riza Government was compelled to resign. It was followed by the occupation of Istanbul by the Entente Powers on March 16. After the dissolution of parliament, on March 19, 1920, Mustafa Kemal issued a communiqué stating that they would work for national freedom and the establishment of a new state. The parliament would be composed of deputies of the old parliament who would come to Ankara and by new members to be elected by the Turkish people.

Meanwhile, General Damat Ferit, who had become Prime Minister again, claimed that the National Forces were committing high treason. He formed an army called "Kuvay-i Inzibatiye" (Disciplinary Forces) against the National Forces. Mustafa Kemal was trying to face both this army and the revolts provoked by the Istanbul Government. In a communiqué issued on April 22,1920, he stated that the "Büyük Millet Meclisi" (Grand National Assembly) would meet on April 23, and it would have the authority to represent the nation.

The Turkish Grand National Assembly

With the meeting of the Grand National Assembly in Ankara on April 23, 1920, the national struggle became more significant in the eyes of the world, both, legally and politically. After electing Mustafa Kemal chairman, the Assembly made the following important resolutions:

1.National power concentrated in the National Assembly is the fundamental principle for the future of the country.

2.The Grand National Assembly is vested with legislative and executive powers. A committee to be elected from within the Assembly will exercise executive power. The chairman of the Assembly will also preside over this committee.

The Damat Ferit Government was continuing its efforts against national forces which were becoming more and more powerful. Damat Ferit was trying to persuade the Anatolian people to revolt against the National movement and help the enemy forces. Besides, by a decision handed down by the First Martial Law Court on May 4, 1920, Mustafa Kemal's military titles were revoked and he was sentenced to death.

For a certain period, the government of the Turkish Grand National Assembly had to use the majority of its forces to suppress revolts provoked by the Palace. After order was established throughout Anatolia, the government was able to concentrate its forces and began to form armies to expel the invading enemies from the country.

The attempt to establish an Armenian state, according to the Sevres Treaty, was prevented by the resistance of the troops commanded by Kazim Karabekir, Commander of the Army in that region. On November 18,1920, the forces called a cease-fire and peace on the Eastern Front was achieved by the Gümrü Treaty, signed on December 2-3, 1920.

The struggle in the western front, which began with the occupation of Izmir by Greek forces, was carried out by national societies and forces in various regions in the form of civil resistance prior to the establishment of regular armies. First, on May 29, 1919 Ali (Çetinkaya), Governor of Ayvalik district, and his friends, resisted the enemy forces attacking other regions from Izmir. Some of the leaders of the struggle at the Western Front were Yörük Ali Efe and Demirci Mehmet Efe in Nazilli, Halil Efe in Salihli, Parti Pehlivan Aga, and Sari Efe (Edip).

On June 20, 1919, an enemy division landed in Tekirdag and occupied Thrace. The first battle with the enemy on the western front was on October 24, 1920, at Gediz. National forces which were defeated were forced to leave Yeniseahir and Inegöl and retreated to the Dumlupinar hills. The Commander-in-Chief reorganized the Western Front and divided it into two; the Western and Southern front. The Western Front would be commanded by Colonel Ismet (İnönü) and the Southern Front by Colonel Refer (Bele).

The First and Second Battles of İnönü

On January 6, 1921, the enemy began to advance from Bursa and Usak to Eskisehir and Afyon but were defeated at the First Battle of İnönü on January 10, 1921, and retreated. After this first success on the Western Front, the "Entente Powers" saw it necessary to make some alterations in the terms of the Sevres Treaty. Althouh they could not make any important resolutions during the conference held in London between February 21 and March 11, 1921, this conference was very useful as it publicized the Turkish war of National Independence all over the world. Besides, the Constitution (Teskilat-i Esasiye Kanunu) which had been discussed since the opening of the Grand National Assembly, was accepted and came into force on January 20, 1921, after the success at the First Battle of İnönü.

As the London Conference had not achieved the expected results, the Entente Powers supported the Greek Forces in a new attack, but they were defeated again at the Second Battle of İnönü, on March 31, 1921. After the second victory at İnönü, the Commander-in-Chief united the Western and Southern branches of the Western Front. On July 10, 1921, the enemy, which was supported by new forces, attacked on two fronts. This was their last success and they reached, Eskisehir and West of Sakarya. Under a law accepted on August 5, 1921, Mustafa Kemal Pasha was given mandate of the Grand National Assembly as Commander-in-Chief. He took command of the army on August 12, 1921. At the end of the Battle of Sakarya which was fought on a front extending about 100 kms., between August 23 and September 13, 1921, the enemy was forced to withdraw and the enemy's offensive in Anatolia ended.

After the Sakarya victory, the Entente Powers proposed a cease-fire on March 22, 1921. When Turkey laid down as a condition, on April 5, 1922, that the enemy forces in Anatolia were to withdraw, this offer was not accepted.

The Battle of the Commander-in-Chief

In the period of preparation to drive out the enemy from Anatolia, there were some people in the Assembly who still tried to solve the problems by discussion. Moreover, it could be seen that some members of the Assembly did not trust Mustafa Kemal and opposed the extension of Mustafa Kemal Pasha's duties as Commander-in-Chief. But the difference of opinions in the Assembly could be reconciled in a short period and the preparations for a final and absolute victory were completed. The big offensive started on August 26, 1922, under the command of Mustafa Kemal, General Fevzi (Çakmak), and General Ismet (İnönü). On August 25, 1922, at the "Battle of the Commander-in-Chief" at Dumlupinar, the enemy forces were encircled and taken prisoner; thus the offensive achieved its end. But the Turkish Army continued the operation; Izmir on September 9, Bursa on September 11, and finally, on September 18, the whole country was liberated from the enemy. The Mudanya Armistice, signed on October 11, 1922 led the way to Lausanne.

Proclamation of the Republic and the Reforms

The National Struggle started when Mustafa Kemal Pasha landed in Samsun May 19, 1919; and a new Turkish State was established with the meeting of the Turkish Grand National Assembly on April 23, 1920. After the National Struggle ended in victory and the Mudanya Armistice was signed, the Ottoman Empire and the institutions under its control were necessarily liquidated. The Entente Powers decided to call the Ottoman Government together with the Ankara Government accepted. On the other hand, on November 1, 1922, the Grand National Assembly announced that the Caliphate and the Sultanate were separate and the Sultanate was abolished. The second step was taken with the establishment of the Republic on October 29, 1923. It was followed by the acceptance of a law, on March 3, 1924, stating that the Caliphate was abolished and the ottoman Dynasty was to be deported. On the same day, the law concerning the abolition of the Ministry for Religious Affairs, of the Evkaf (Waqfs) and of the Ministry of the General Staff and the law concerning the unification of education were promulgated. Thus, all the schools controlled by the Ministry for Religious Affairs and the Ministry of Foundations were closed. By the unification of instruction, all schools would be controlled by the Ministry of National Education in accordance with national and secular principles. On April 20, 1920, the new Constitution reorganizing the state was promulgated by the Turkish Grand National Assembly.

Reorganization continued with new reforms, in addition to the foundation of the Republic, the unification of instruction and the abolition of the Sultanate and Caliphate. On November 25, 1925 the Hat Reform was accepted and the fez which had caused revolts when it had been first ordered to be warn, was considered illegal. The September 2, 1925 decree concerning the closing down of dervish retreats and tombs, and the abolition of the office of tomb keepers was given final approval by the law enacted on November 30, 1941.

In order to prevent the confusion caused by the use of different calendars by Moslems, Orthodox and Catholics, the Christian calendar was accepted on December 26, 1925 and began to be used on January 1, 1926. Meanwhile, international time was approved, and Sunday was accepted as a holiday instead of Friday.

Reforms of the Trade Penal Law started during the Tanzimat period, continued as the principles of Sheriat were abolished. The Civil Code came into force on April 4, 1926, and the Law of Obligations on October 4, 1926.

With the Turkish Civil Code, Turkish women, gained their basic rights and reached a new milestone on the road of progress. The Municipal Act of 1930 and the National Assembly Act of 1934 granted suffrage to Turkish women. Thus, the Turkish woman possessed almost all basic political rights.

After the Turks accepted Islam, they abandoned their original alphabets, Orhon and Uigur, and began to use the Arabic script. However, the Arabic script was not suitable for the Turkish language; especially the fact that vowels widely used in Turkish caused problems in reading Turkish texts written in Arabic. They tried to solve this problem in 1878, but could not. In 1908, the problem was dealt with again. Different opinions were put forward. Some people supported maintaining the Arabic script, others proposed that Arabic characters should be written separately with some special signs to read vowels. On the other hand, many people proposed to use the Latin script instead of Arabic and these different opinions could not be reconciled. After the foundation of the new state, the problem of the alphabet was first discussed in 1923, at the Izmir Economic Congress. A paper was submitted proposing the adoption of the Latin alphabet. The Congress agreed that this paper should be submitted to the Ministry of National Education. The Ministry studied this subject in 1927. It was agreed that Latin symbols would be used in physics, chemistry and mathematics courses in the universities and academies. In the same year, stamps were issued bearing "Türkiye Postalari" (Turkish Post) written in letters. In 1928, the Grand National Assembly promulgated the law concerning the use of international numerals. Also, the Ministry of National Education formed a commission to study the new Turkish alphabet. This ended in the promulgation of the law concerning the use of the new alphabet on November 1, 1928. Also, on, April 10, 1928, the phrase "Islam is the official religion of the state" was removed from the Constitution in accordance with secular principles.

The changes in the judicial system were accomplished by the Surname Act accepted in the Grand National Assembly on June 21, 1924; every Turkish citizen should have a surname. In addition, it was decided on November 24, 1934 that the great savior, Mustafa Kemal Pasha would be given the surname "Atatürk".

The Alphabet Reform in 1928 led to a reform in language.

Atatürk established the Turkish Language Institution on July 12, 1932. He had started the language reform on September 2, 1930.

Necessary measures have been taken in every field in order to elevate the country to the level of contemporary civilizations. In line with the motto "Peace at Home, Peace in the World" several agreements were reached by the neighboring countries.

After his death, on November 10, 1938, the Turkish people followed in his path.

The Second World War seriously effected the self-sufficient Turkey, but thanks to the intelligent attitudes of the Turkish administration, the country and the nation were saved from the great danger of war.

During the post-war period a multi-party era started in Turkey. Transition to a multi-party parliamentary system in Turkey was first initiated by Atatürk and Turkey experienced short-terms of multi-party systems in 1924 and in 1930. Unfortunately, the political developments were detrimental to the newly established Turkish Republic and the two political parties were abolished by themselves. The multi-party system which Atatürk desired to initiate as his "second greatest reform after the Proclamation of the Republic" was started after the Second World War by his comrade-at-arms, President Ismet İnönü. The first election was held in 1946. The representatives of the opposition party won seats in the Assembly. In the second election, held in 1950, the ruling party whose Chairman was Ismet İnönü became the opposition party in the Turkish Grand National Assembly. Celal Bayar's party assumed office.

The 1950's were the years when the winds of war were blowing in the world. For the sake of the world, the Turkish Brigade in Korea within the framework of the United Nations came face to face with the war

posted on Dec, 2 2005 @ 11:17 AM
From 1923 to the Present

The Government of the Turkish Grand National Assembly saved the country from being partitioned and occupied with the National War of Independence. A few months following the signing of the Lausanne Treaty, in which the Allied powers and the world recognized the independence and sovereignty of Turkey, the Republican People's Party was established on 9 September 1923 and Mustafa Kemal was elected as its chairman. The administrative staff of the party was composed of the military staff who directed the national struggle and high-level bureaucrats. The party led by the leader and the hero of the Turkish War of Independence stood for modernizing and westernizing reforms in the political, judicial and educational fields. These developments, however, disturbed the conservative elements in the National Assembly. The discussions flared up on such issues as what would happen now that the sultanate was abolished and how the parliament would now act, with which authorities and on whose behalf. The institutions and the office of the Caliphate, meanwhile stood in stark contradiction to the new administration. All these developments made a radical transformation compulsory.

Atatürk and the accompanying delegation in front of
the Turkish Grand National Assembly Building, 29 October 1933.

Thus, the Republic was proclaimed on 29 October 1923 in order to give the state a democratic form in the contemporary sense. Mustafa Kemal, the successful and great charismatic leader of the national struggle for independence, was elected unanimously as the first President of the Republic of Turkey. He appointed İsmet İnönü as the first Prime Minister. Thus, the discussions and doubts about the Presidency were ended. Four months later, the Caliphate, which was incompatible with the principle of republicanism, was abolished and the members of the Ottoman Dynasty were expatriated on 3 March 1924.

Being aware of the fact that the separation of religious and state affairs and the provision of freedom of religion and conscience for individuals were among the prerequisites of forming a modern society, Mustafa Kemal initiated in the framework of the "principle of secularity" the most important changes. After the abolition of the Caliphate, a series of radical reforms were made in the institutions and mentality connected to the Caliphate. The Ministry of Shariah and Foundations was replaced by the Chairmanship of Religious Affairs and the Directorate of Foundations, both connected to the Prime Ministry. The religious school order was abolished on 3 March 1924 with the Unification of Education Law and all schools and educational matters were united under the Ministry of National Education. The Shariah Courts were replaced by secular courts with the Judicial Organization Law. The wearing of the turban and fez that were symbols of the former order were banned and the "hat" became the official headgear, following the promulgation of the Hat Law on 25 November 1925. Thus, the traditional symbols in attire, indicating differences of class, rank and religious order were removed. The international hour and calendar systems were adopted on 26 November 1925. The dervish lodges and tombs and the titles of tariqahs (sects) were abolished on 25 November 1925. A Turkish Civil Code was accepted on 17 February 1926 to replace the old civil code and the Shariah Laws which were the foundation stones of Ottoman law. The acceptance of the Turkish Civil Code made it necessary to secularize all legislation and the Code of Obligations, the Criminal Code and the Commercial Code were also rewritten according to contemporary principles.

Important steps were taken concerning women's rights. Polygamy was forbidden and marriages, to be officially recognized, had to be performed in accordance with the civil code, not according to religious ceremonies as in the past. Also, a law was promulgated which made it necessary to get a court decree to get a divorce. Women obtained the right to vote and be elected in the municipal elections in 1930, in elections held for village councils in 1933 and in 1934, they obtained the right to vote and be elected into the Turkish Grand National Assembly.

One of the most important reforms initiated by Atatürk was the preparation of a new Turkish alphabet by a board of linguists and academicians and the law which envisaged the use of Latin letters was adopted by the TGNA on 1 November 1928. The adoption of this new phonetic alphabet was an important step taken to help increase the literacy rate which had been very low.

The old units of measurement and weight were changed in 1931. Commercial and economic transactions were facilitated with the acceptance of the metric system and a standard system of measurement was established throughout Turkey.

The Surname Law was adopted on 21 June 1934. Mustafa Kemal, the founder of the new Turkish State and Republic, was given the surname of "Atatürk" (Father of the Turks) by the TGNA.
The efforts to create a modern country based on secular foundations was also reflected in the Constitution. An amendment made to the Constitution in 1928 removed the clause which had stated that the religion of the state is Islam. A clause was put in the Constitution in 1937 stating that Turkey is a secular state. Along with these developments, Atatürk established the Turkish Historical Society in 1925 and Turkish Linguistic Society in 1932 in order to strengthen the foundations of the new national state and contribute to the development of a national consciousness among the Turkish people.

The struggle for independence the Turks waged against the imperialist states and the radical social, political and economic reforms initiated by Atatürk, constituted an important example and model for the Third World countries.

Domestic and Foreign Policy During the Atatürk Period

Atatürk realized the reforms with the leadership of the Republican People's Party (CHP), which had been established not as a party of any class or group in the society, but as a party of all the people, and these reforms were adopted by the people.

A short time after the CHP was established, the first experiment for a transition to a multiparty system was made. The opponents of the secular and modernizing policies of the government, and who thought that the reforms were not compatible with the social and political structure of Turkey, including a group of commanders from the National War of Independence, such as Rauf Orbay, Kazim Karabekir and Ali Fuat Cebesoy, resigned from the CHP and established the Progressive Republican Party on 17 November 1924. Kazim Karabekir was elected as the chairman of this first opposition party. The Party was "conservative", not "reactionary" both regarding its program and the mentality of its founders. However, because it was the only opposition party, those whose interests were harmed by the reforms, supported this party, thus escalating the political passions. In fact, many who were against the Republic and secular developments joined this party. Meanwhile, the reactionary Sheik Said rebellion broke out in Southeastern Anatolia and the government closed the Progressive Republican Party on 3 June 1925.

The second experiment with multiparty democracy in the Atatürk period, started with the establishment of the Free Republican Party on 12 August 1930. The Free Party was established with the approval of Atatürk himself. The party was established by Fethi Okyar, the former Prime Minister who was known for his opposition to İsmet İnönü. However, the new party grew at an unexpectedly rapid pace. The reactionary powers against the Republic, which also made use of the problems created by the world economic crisis in 1929, started to use the new party for their own objectives. Especially, due to the unfortunate events which occurred during Fethi Okyar's trip to Izmir, the party dissolved itself on 17 November 1930.

The Republic administration first of all adopted a model based on private enterprise for developing the backward economy it had inherited, but in time it was forced to adopt statism to an increasing degree.

During the Atatürk period, a foreign policy was followed based on the borders of the National Pact of 1920 and on peace. As the result of successful diplomacy, the Montreux Agreement was signed in 1936, ensuring that the Istanbul and the Dardanelles (Çanakkale) Straits were included in the national defense system.

King Edward VIII of the United Kingdom during his visit to Istanbul in 1936

Friendship policies to be followed with all the neighboring countries were made widespread with the Balkan Pact in 1934 and the Sadabad Pact in 1937. The peace policy aimed at Europe and a correct evaluation of the international conditions made it possible to have Hatay rejoined to Turkey. Hatay, which had previously been given to the French, was first given independence and then it was rejoined to Turkey as the result of a referendum. Meanwhile, the League of Nations, refusing the Turkish requests, decided that the Mosul and Kirkuk regions should stay under British control.

Hatay was the final foreign policy problem in which Atatürk took an interest. Atatürk, with his dynamism, strong intuitions, accurate assessments of the balances of power and correct evaluations of domestic and foreign conditions, left behind a state which had heartily adopted the reforms and modernized institutions, which had taken significant steps in the direction of the Western model when he passed away on 10 November 1938.

The İnönü Period and the Difficult Years During the War

İsmet İnönü was elected as the second President of the Republic following Atatürk's death. He was the President and the party chairman at the same time. He led Turkey during the most difficult years of both the world and Turkey. He tried to overcome the difficulties stemming from the world economic crisis with a policy of statism during the period when he was the Prime Minister. He wanted to develop industry by means of the State Economic Enterprises (SEEs) and took important steps in this direction.

İnönü's greatest success was in keeping Turkey out of the Second World War. His policy in this regard was based on establishing various balances at the same time and insisting adamantly on neutrality. When the Soviet-German Agreement was signed on 23 August 1939, İnönü thought that this agreement could harm Turkey and signed agreements with France and Britain on 13 October 1939 and obtained economic aid. Later he signed a nonaggression pact with the Soviet Union on 25 March 1941. In June 1941, a few days before Germany attacked the Soviet Union, İnönü signed a nonaggression pact with Germany. This policy of balances continued throughout the war. When the war was about to end, Turkey sided with the USA, Britain and the Soviet Union and declared war against Germany and Japan and signed the United Nations communiqué dated 24 January 1945. Turkey, which was officially invited to the San Francisco Conference on 5 March 1945, was among the founding members of the United Nations.

Turkey did not enter the Second World War, but was negatively affected by the war. Throughout the war a large army was kept alert and ready, prices increased rapidly, many of the basic food items were rationed, many items could not be found or were sold on the black market.İnönü who was a farsighted statesman and politician, not only sensed the winds of freedom and democracy which had started to blow throughout the Western World after the Second World War, but also could not remain as a bystander to the social reactions stemming from the problems of the war. In fact, he first mentioned the necessity of "liberalizing the regime" in 1945. Subsequently, he started talking about "the need for an opposition party". He received with democratic tolerance the birth of the Democrat Party from within the CHP, its flourishing in 1946 and its coming to power with the 1950 election.

Transition to the Multiparty Period

The Republican People's Party (CHP), the ruling party, was also influenced by the winds of freedom and democracy that started to blow throughout the world and especially in Europe towards the end of the war and after the war. A strong opposition movement appeared from within the party which complained about the oppressive management of the party and wanted more freedom and democracy. The tolerant attitude of President İnönü also encouraged this movement.

Celal Bayar, Atatürk's last Prime Minister and Refik Koraltan also joined this opposition movement which was led at the beginning by Fuat Köprülü and Adnan Menderes. These four deputies of Parliament filed a famous motion to the Parliamentary Group of the CHP, which was later referred to as the "Quartet Motion". They wanted to change the party regulations and some of the laws. Following the refusal of their motion, Bayar resigned from the CHP and from the Parliament. Menderes, Köprülü, and Koraltan were expelled from the CHP for not conforming to party discipline.

Bayar, Menderes, Köprülü and Koraltan established the Democrat Party (DP) on 7 January 1946. The establishment of a new party was met with enthusiasm by the people who had become tired of the oppressive policies of a single party rule. The DP which defended a liberal economic approach and democracy, developed rapidly in a short period of time. It succeeded in entering Parliament in the 1946 elections and came to power as a single power in the 14 May 1950 elections. Thus, the single party period ended in Turkey and for the first time a change in power was realized with the votes of the people.

The DP increased its votes even more in the 1954 elections and strengthened its power. Although it lost votes in the 1957 elections, it remained in power until 27 May 1960.

The DP brought a noticeable liveliness to the economy and increased the living standards of people substantially during its 10 years in power. The economy developed, the earnings of the people increased, many villages were provided with roads, water and electricity. New areas were taken under cultivation, agricultural mechanization started, trade was accelerated and important steps were taken for industrialization. The period of orienting foreign capital and commercial capital to industry was started.

Close cooperation with the United States that had been adopted during the İnönü period acquired new dimensions in the foreign policy of the DP period. The visit to Istanbul of the US warship Missouri in 1946, the start of the first military and economic aid from America with the implementation of the "Truman Doctrine" and the "Marshall Plan" strengthened the Western-oriented foundations of the Turkish foreign policy, which had been laid by İnönü. Turkey participated in the Korean War, became a member of NATO in 1952 and foreign capital investments and petroleum explorations by foreigners were encouraged during the DP period.

The DP started to lose the support of the people as of 1954. The main reasons for this were the end of favorable cycles in the foreign markets and a slow down in economic growth. In particular, rapidly increasing inflation upset the financial situation of the fixed income population in urban areas, the military and civilian bureaucrats. Along with the dissatisfaction of the people, the criticisms of the opposition and the media became stronger. In response to the criticism, the ruling party took measures which indicated that it had lost control and started to resort to antidemocratic methods. The obstacles which İnönü faced during his tours of the country, increased the censorship of the press and finally, along with the establishment of an "Investigation Commission" a widespread debate began on the regime in Turkey. The university students started demonstrations. The situation became even more tense with the declaration of martial law and eventually led to the military intervention of 27 May 1960.

The 27 May Movement and the Interim Period

To remove the DP from power appeared to be an essential precondition for the solution of the political and economic problems of Turkey and to save the country and democracy, especially for many officers who were sympathizers of İnönü. These officers, of various ranks, who were organized under the title of the National Unity Committee (MBK) led the action in an orderly manner on the morning of 27 May 1960. They removed the DP government and seized power. In the announcement of the revolution, it was stated that the coup was made to save democracy and to prevent fratricidal quarrels, that it was not against any individual or class, and that elections would be held in the shortest period of time and the government would be transferred to the civilians. The communiqué also stated that Turkey would remain as a member of NATO and CENTO.

The overthrown President, Prime Minister, ministers, deputies of the ruling party and the leading administrators of the ruling party, were taken into custody at the War College. General Cemal Gürsel, the leader of the coup d'état, assumed the functions of the President, Prime Minister and the Chief of General Staff. The TGNA was dissolved and the MBK took over its legislative functions. A new cabinet, composed chiefly of civilians, was formed on 17 June 1960.
There were, however, differences of opinion among the MBK members. Some of the members wanted to hold elections as soon as possible, while others wanted to hold the election only after radical reforms were made. The members in the second group were taken into custody on 13 November 1960 and were later appointed to various posts abroad.

The MBK established in December of the same year a "Constituent Assembly" responsible for preparing a new constitution and a new election law. The Constituent Assembly, which was formed by the representatives of various institutions, began to work on 5 January 1961. The drafts of the new constitution prepared by academicians, were reviewed in the special commissions of the Assembly and were submitted for discussion. The draft to which the Constituent Assembly gave its final shape after long deliberations, was adopted with a referendum held on 9 July 1961. The MBK left power to the civilians following the elections held on 15 October 1961. In accordance with the Constitution, the 22 members of the MBK entered into Parliament as "Natural Senators" and Cemal Gürsel was elected President.

The administrators of the DP, which had been overthrown on 27 May 1960, were tried in the Supreme Justice Council, a special court established at Yassiada by the MBK. The court sentenced 15 administrators of the DP to death for "violating the Constitution" and sentenced others to various imprisonment penalties. A total of 12 of the capital punishments were commuted into life imprisonment by the MBK. However, Adnan Menderes, the Prime Minister; Fatin Rüstü Zorlu, the Foreign Minister; and Hasan Polatkan, the Minister of Finance, were executed. All of the others who were imprisoned were later released through various amnesty initiatives until 1964.

The Active 1960s and the AP Period

The first general election which followed the 27 May revolution revealed an interesting picture. The total of the votes of the Justice Party (AP) and the New Turkey Party (YTP), two parties which claimed to be the continuation of the DP, obtained more than the votes that the DP had obtained in 1957. As for the votes of the CHP, these decreased from 41 percent to 37 percent. This result was an expression of the fact that the political tendencies of the people had not changed and that in fact, the people had reacted to the revolution.

The AP, which would thereafter influence the political life in Turkey in the 1960s and the 1970s, was established on 11 February 1961. The first chairman of the party was Ret. General Ragip Gümüspala.

Following the elections after the revolution, the first government which was formed under the leadership of İsmet İnönü was a coalition of CHP and AP. This partnership eased the transformation to a civilian regime, but did not last long due to the lack of harmony between the coalition partners.

Süleyman Demirel, the former Director General of the State Water Works, was elected as the new AP chairman when Ragip Gümüspala passed away in 1964. The AP received 53 percent of the votes in the 1965 elections and by obtaining the majority in the Parliament, came to power. Another significant characteristic of this election was that the Turkish Labor Party (TIP), a socialist party, participated in the elections for the first time and obtained 15 seats in the Parliament.

The 1965-1971 period when AP was in power, turned out to be one of the most successful periods in Turkey economically, socially and politically. It was a period of high development rates and low inflation. The industrialization process accelerated. Priority was given to investments directed to the rural areas and to energy projects. A more independent foreign policy was followed. Furthermore, 1965-1971 was also the period of the greatest freedom in Turkey. This was the period when the laws which limited free thought and which were considered to be antidemocratic were applied the least and the number of people arrested in connection with these laws remained at a minimal level. In this period, the masses took important steps in forming political organizations. Again pertaining to this period, the press experienced its greatest years of freedom and varying points of views were openly written and discussed.

The student demonstrations which started in France in 1968 and spread all over the world, also affected Turkey towards the end of the 1960s. These demonstrations, which started as a reaction to the educational methods and examination system in the universities, later obtained a political and ideological context.

The 12 March Period and the Transformation in the CHP

The atmosphere of freedom that had characterized the 1965-1971 period ended with a communiqué on 12 March 1971. The joint memorandum of the Chief of General Staff and four Force Commanders, called for the formation of a nonpartisan government of national consensus in which all the political parties would participate so that the necessary reforms with a Kemalist perception could be implemented and so

that terrorism and anarchy could be prevented and the future of the regime could be secured. Otherwise, the army warned that it would undertake the administration directly. Under these circumstances, Prime Minister Demirel handed in his resignation to President Cevdet Sunay the same day.

The first government of the 12 March period was established by Nihat Erim who had resigned from the CHP. Significant number of his cabinet ministers were technicians who were called the "brain team". The first move of Erim's government, which was supposed to make reforms, was to declare martial law and take tough measures. Some important articles of the Constitution were changed. The first Erim government, however, could not cope with the dissonance within the cabinet and was replaced by the second Erim government. Because of the various pressures he had been facing, Prime Minister Erim resigned once again and he was replaced by Ferit Melen, the Minister of National Defense in Erim's former cabinet. The Ferit Melen government in turn was replaced by the Naim Talu government which started a kind of transition process to democracy. In the presidential elections of 1973, Fahri Korutürk, the joint candidate of the AP and CHP became President whereas Faruk Gürler, the candidate of the 12 March period, lost.

Meanwhile, interesting developments had been occurring within the CHP since 1969. The Secretary General Bülent Ecevit, and his colleagues resigned from membership in the Central Executive Board, ostensibly because they disagreed with İsmet İnönü, the Chairman, concerning the party policy to be followed against the 12 March regime. This team carried out a fundamental struggle within the party during the 12 March period. In the general congress of the party, which was held in 1972, Ecevit and his colleagues attained the absolute majority of the seats on the Central Executive Board, whereupon, İnönü resigned from the Chairmanship, from the Parliament and from the party membership. In the special party congress which was held immediately, Ecevit was elected as the party chairman. A new period started for the CHP.

The Ecevit Administrations and the Nationalist Front Periods

In the 1973 general elections, which legally put an end to the 12 March period, no party could obtain an absolute majority at the Parliament and so a new period of coalitions commenced. Dissonances, votes of no confidence and deputy transfers followed one after another.

Bülent Ecevit, the Chairman of the Republican People's Party and
his wife Rahsan Ecevit at an election campaign meeting.

The CHP attained the majority of the votes in the 1973 elections. Ecevit, the chairman of the CHP, established a coalition government with the National Salvation Party (MSP) which reflected Islamic trends. Although this interesting reconciliation created some positive outcomes, the shock waves of the global oil crisis had adverse effects on Turkey. Meanwhile, a coup carried out by the supporters of ENOSIS (Union with Greece) against the Makarios administration on Cyprus during June 1974 forced Turkey to intervene militarily by exerting her rights as a guarantor state accorded to her by the Cyprus Constitution of 1960. The Cyprus problem had important economic and political repercussions. The negative attitude of the West towards Turkey, an economic embargo applied on Turkey by the US and the expenses of the Cyprus Operation created significant problems in Turkey. When the CHP and MSP disagreed on foreign policy following the Cyprus Peace Operation, the coalition came to an end. Sadi Irmak, a senator, was assigned by President Korutürk to form a new government; but he could not obtain a vote of confidence.

In the meantime, the Democratic Party which was established by the party members who had left, or were expelled from the AP, started to disintegrate in 1971. The AP which increased its number of deputies, obtained the majority bringing together the MSP, Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) and the Republican Confidence

Party (CGP). Demirel who was assigned to form the new government, managed to form a coalition which was called the "Nationalist Front" (MC). It would remain in power until the general elections in 1977.

The MC period continued after the general elections in 1977. Demirel established the Second MC government due to the fact that no party could obtain an absolute majority. "The Second MC", which remained in power until January 1978, could cope neither with the economic, nor with the foreign policy problems and its political profile deteriorated because of escalating terrorism. Turkey had a foreign currency problem, no imports could be made. The government tried to escape from this problem by means of short term credits with high interests.

The crisis in Turkey gained a new dimension when 11 AP deputies resigned from the party in December 1977. The second MC government led by Demirel was overthrown. Ecevit, the CHP leader, formed the new government with the supports of the DP and CGP and the eleven deputies who had resigned from the AP. In this period the economic situation, however, deteriorated even more. Shortages of some basic food items, oil and LPG appeared and black markets emerged. Prime Minister Ecevit resigned when the CHP suffered a heavy defeat in the elections to renew one third of the Senate in 1979. This time, Demirel formed an AP minority government with the external support of the MSP and MHP on 25 November 1979. In late December 1979, the Chief of General Staff and Force Commanders sent a letter to President Korutürk warning about the adverse effects of political instability. However, both the AP and the opposition parties announced that they were not a party to the warnings in the letter. The 24 January Decrees of the Demirel government to improve the economy, yielded positive results in the short-term, but the government could not cope with anarchy and terrorism, and martial law was declared in many provinces. No matter what, a new president could not be elected after Korutürk’s term of office had expired in the first months of 1980.

The 12 September Regime (1980-1983)

Military intervention occurred when the army seized the power on 12 September 1980 through the chain of order and command. The National Security Council (MGK), which was composed of Kenan Evren, the Chief of the General Staff, and the Force Commanders, dissolved the Parliament and the Government. Martial law was declared all over the country. The chairmen of the AP, CHP, MHP and MSP were taken into custody. The MGK which vested itself with the legislative and executive powers, appointed Kenan Evren, the Chairman of the Council, as the Head of State. A new government was formed by Admiral Bülend Ulusu. Turgut Özal, the Undersecretary of the Prime Ministry of the final AP government and the architect of the 24 January decisions, was appointed as the Deputy Prime Minister Responsible for the Economy.

The economic stability policies which had been started by the Demirel government were continued in this period. The most significant development in foreign policy was the approval by the MGK of "the Rogers Plan", named after the NATO Supreme Commander, permitting Greece to return to the military wing of NATO, that was contrary to the policy that had been followed by Turkey for a long period of time.

It was decided in June 1981 to form a new "Constituent Assembly" which would include the MGK members and the Advisory Assembly (DM) to prepare a new constitution. On the day that the members of the Advisory Assembly were announced, all the political parties which had earlier been banned, were closed by the MGK and their properties were confiscated. The new constitution prepared by the Constitutional Commission of the DM was submitted to a public referendum on 7 November 1982 and was approved by a majority vote of 91.2 percent. After the approval of the new Constitution, Kenan Evren acquired the title of "President". The Political Parties Law went into effect on 24 April 1983 and political activities were gradually permitted for the establishment of new political parties.

At the central right wing, the Nationalist Democracy Party (MDP), led by Ret. General Turgut Sunalp was established. The MDP defined itself as the continuation of the spirit and philosophy of 12 September. The second initiative, which was not quite welcomed by the MGK, came from Turgut Özal who had resigned from the Ulusu government in 1982. He established the Motherland Party (ANAP) which promised to make economic reforms, liberalize the economy and implement free market policies. The third was the Populist Party (HP), which was aimed to be a left of center party. Its chairman was Necdet Calp, a former Undersecretary of the Prime Ministry in the Bülend Ulusu government. Along with these parties, the True Path Party (DYP), which was known to be a continuation of the AP, and the Social Democracy Party (SODEP), led by Erdal İnönü, the son of İsmet İnönü, were established. However, the MGK investigated the founding members of the new parties and vetoed a significant number of them. The lists of the SODEP and DYP were vetoed the most. In fact, they were practically vetoed out of the general election so that only ANAP, MDP and HP could participate in the elections on 6 November 1983. Turgut Özal's ANAP won the election getting 45.1 percent of the votes and 53 percent of the seats in the Parliament. The function of the MGK ended and the four members of the MGK became members of the Presidential Council when the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TGNA) convened on 24 November 1983. The first ANAP Government was formed on 13 December 1983 under the chairmanship of Turgut Özal.

The First and Second Özal Governments

ANAP, which attained the majority in the Parliament and came to power in 1983 under the leadership of Turgut Özal, also succeeded in remaining in power after the 1987 elections.

The most significant characteristics of the Özal period were the structural changes in the economy realized by a series of decisive and courageous reforms. These liberal structural reforms were referred to by Özal, as the "Great Transformation". The milestones during Özal's tenure were fundamental changes in the Law for the Protection of the Value of Turkish Currency and the Foreign Currency Exchange system, imports and exports were liberalized and a transition to a "Free Exchange Rate" in the foreign currency system. The "import substitution" economic model was replaced by an economic policy that gave "priority to exports". State subsidies were decreased and production was oriented at exports. Value Added Tax was put into effect to increase state revenues. Revenue Sharing Bonds were issued for sale, the Mass Housing and Privatization Administrations were established and free trade zones were formed. Thus, economic growth accelerated and the chronic foreign currency deficit problem was solved.

The Council of Ministers of the 57th Government is in session.

The most important development in foreign policy was the relative improvement observed in Turkey's relations with the European countries. As a matter of fact, the Advisory Assembly of the Council of Europe which had suspended its relations with Turkey, accepted the participation of Turkish parliamentarians in this Assembly in May 1984. On the other hand, Turkey, which followed a policy of neutrality during the Iran-Iraq War that lasted for years, positively developed her trade with both countries. Improvements continued in US relations, which had been revived after permission was given to Greece to return to the military wing of NATO. In this period, Turkey obtained great increases in exports and tourism revenues due to the intensive trade relations established especially with the Middle Eastern and European countries.

Important developments also occurred in domestic politics during the First Özal Government. HP and SODEP were united under the name of the Social Democratic Populist Party (SHP). The team of Bülent Ecevit, the former Chairman of the CHP, who had been banned from politics, established the Democratic Left Party (DSP). Political bans were removed in a referendum held on 6 September 1986. Thereafter, Bülent Ecevit became the Chairman of the DSP, Süleyman Demirel became the Chairman of the DYP, Alparslan Türkes became the Chairman of the Nationalist Working Party (MÇP) and Necmettin Erbakan became the Chairman of the Welfare Party (RP).

In the early general elections held in 1987, ANAP came to power with 36 percent of the votes and 65 percent of the seats in the Parliament. The SHP ranked second with 24.75 percent of the votes and the DYP obtained 19.15 percent of the votes. The other parties could not win seats in the Parliament because they could not pass the 10 percent vote barrier. When Kenan Evren's term in office expired, Turgut Özal was elected President on 9 November 1989. He appointed Yildirim Akbulut as the Prime Minister. Akbulut was later elected the new chairman of the ANAP in the party's Special General Congress that convened in November 1989.

The Gulf Crisis

President Turgut Özal provided for Turkey's emergence in the forefront in the international arena and an active role with the Western allies through his personal diplomatic initiatives during the Gulf Crisis that started with the occupation of Kuwait by Iraq in August 1990. Turkey was one of the first countries which implemented the economic embargo imposed on Iraq by the UN Security Council.

The Transformation in the ANAP and the Period of Coalitions

A new government was formed after Mesut Yilmaz was elected as the ANAP party chairman replacing Yildirim Akbulut in June 1991. The government formed by Yilmaz decided to hold early elections which were held on 21 October 1991. The DYP, which focused on democratization and lowering the rate of inflation in its election campaign, emerged as the leading party with 27.03 percent of the votes. The DYP was followed by ANAP, SHP, RP and DSP. However, no party could obtain a majority of the seats at the TGNA. A DYP-SHP coalition was formed by Süleyman Demirel on 20 November 1991. This government succeeded to a certain extent in reviving economic growth and increasing the real income of the wage earners.

Multi-dimensional relations were established with various initiatives of both President Turgut Özal and the government, with the Central Asian Republics which had gained independence after the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991. Thus, new horizons were opened for Turkey to become a "regional state". The Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC), including the entire Black Sea region, envisages economic, commercial and eventually political cooperation among the countries of the Black Sea region. It was established in June 1992 and has increased the importance of Turkey in this region. Furthermore, Turkey has also played an active role in the peace operations in Bosnia Herzegovina and Somalia.
Süleyman Demirel was elected President when President Turgut Özal passed away on 17 April 1993. Tansu Çiller replaced Demirel as the Chairman of the DYP in the special general assembly held on 13 June 1993. The new DYP-SHP Coalition Government formed by Tansu Çiller, Turkey's first female Prime Minister, stayed in power from 25 June 1993 until the elections on 25 December 1995.

The Welfare Party became the leading party with 21 percent of the votes in the December 1995 elections. An ANAP-DYP Coalition Government was formed on 5 March 1996, with Mesut Yilmaz as the Prime Minister and this coalition was called the "Anayol" (Main Path). This government lasted for four months. When the DYP announced that it would support a motion filed by the RP against the government, Prime Minister Mesut Yilmaz submitted his resignation to President Süleyman Demirel on 6 June 1996. Demirel appointed Necmettin Erbakan, the RP Chairman, to form the new government. Erbakan formed the RP-DYP coalition which was called the "Refahyol" (Welfare-Path). Tansu Çiller, the DYP Chairperson, participated in this government as the Minister of Foreign Affairs and as Deputy Prime Minister. The intensified debates on fundamentalism in this period, caused social and political tension. A new process commenced when the National Security Council issued a warning in its meeting on 28 February 1997 that the danger of fundamentalism was increasing. During this tense period, Prime Minister Erbakan resigned on 18 June 1997 in order to transfer the prime ministry to Tansu Çiller, his coalition partner. However, President Süleyman Demirel charged Mesut Yilmaz, the ANAP Chairman, rather than Tansu Çiller, with forming the new government on 19 June 1997. President Demirel approved the ANAP-DSP-DTP Coalition Government formed by Yilmaz, which is called the "Anasol-D" by the public. During the period of Anasol-D which obtained a vote of confidence on 12 July 1997, an early election decision was taken with the overwhelming majority at the TGNA and a decision was taken for the general and local elections to be held together on 18 April 1999. The government which ruled for 17 months was removed from power by an interpellation on 25 November 1998. As the initiatives of Bülent Ecevit charged with forming the government were of no avail, the duty was taken over by Yalim Erez, independent deputy from the Province of Mugla and minister of Industry. While Erez's initiatives were still going on, the DYP Chairperson Tansu Çiller's announcement that she will support a minority government under the chairmanship of Bülent Ecevit, made possible a formula to win a vote of confidence. Likewise, Bülent Ecevit's minority government wining a vote of confidence on 17 January 1999, worked until the election on April the 18th. As the result of election while DSP, MHP, FP, DYP and ANAP had a right to be represented in the Parliament, CHP could not exceed the general barrage of 10 percent and could not enter the Parliament. While DSP increased its votes at a high rate, MHP was the second party to get the greatest number of votes. The center-right parties such as ANAP and DYP suffered great loses of votes. Also FP (Virtue Party), founded with the inclusion of majority of the independent deputies of RP after it was abolished, could not maintain its percentage of votes.

The DSP-MHP-ANAP coalition government was formed on 28 May 1999, under the chairmanship of Bülent Ecevit, the chairman of the leading party from the election. The 57th Government, formed as government of reconciliation and advance, handling, as soon as it took office, such important issues as the civilianization of the State Security Courts, the Act of Banking, the Constitutional amendment envisaging "International Arbitration" and the Social Security Reform, has adopted new laws. The government which has achieved a noteworthy success in both application of the economic stability program and curbing inflation within the context of the harmonization process with EU that was initiated with the Helsinki Summit of 1999, has also concluded the presidential elections with a remarkable conciliatory understanding. Ahmet Necdet Sezer, the President of the Constitutional Court, who was unanimously nominated by leaders of the five political parties represented in the parliament, took over the presidency from Süleyman Demirel whose term in office expired on 16 May 2000. He was elected the 10th president of the Republic of Turkey with 330 votes in the third round ballot.

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