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Oh my gosh jso I had not tought about that. You are more then likely correct
Originally posted by jsobecky
Originally posted by gallopinghordes
By the way, as an aside one of the white gangs is called the Peckerwoods have you ever heard a more stupid name then that? Why would anybody want to admit to the world that they belonged to a group called the Peckerwoods?
Maybe because the suffix "-heads" was already taken?
Originally quoted by loam
I was directed to this thread, now, by several other members.
It will take me awhile to read it all, but even just based on this one page, I know there must be some good stuff here.
Unfortunately, ceci, it appears your approach is as caustic here as in the other thread we are currently posting together on.
Katrina: The Hurricane of Righteous Black anger
The Black community has a right to be angry about the slow response of its government to the human crisis in New Orleans created by Hurricane Katrina. In a recent Gallup/CNN poll, 76 percent (compared to 60 percent of Whites) said they were angry about the government's response to Katrina. According to a Pew poll, 66 percent of Blacks felt that if the victims had been White, the response of the federal government would been quicker.
This places the anger squarely at the federal government as the unit with the largest and most effective resources to respond to the crisis, but did not respond in a timely manner.
[...]
Their anger was also grounded in the knowledge that this was not the case when the tsunami hit Asia and looting and rioting also occurred. That event was considered a human tragedy, worthy of our immediate response, complete with former presidents dispatched to raise funds. By comparison, the human response to the Katrina hurricane was racialized by some, who used the lense of persistent negative stereotypes rather than the truth that much of what was occurring was the normal human response of desperate people trying to survive.
Perhaps it was providential that hurricane Katrina attacked Louisiana, dredging up the profound fact that of New Orleans' population of 450,000, one quarter (100,000), are officially classified as poor. The virulence of this poverty not only trapped a largely Black population so that it could not move out of the city, it signaled that their social and economic opportunities had been trapped as well.
How Do I Talk to You, My White Sister?
Stereotypes serve as social shorthand. At their most positive,they facilitate connection by allowing us to feel that we know something about another person without doing the work of
actually getting to know them. At their most negative, they allow us to feel justified in avoiding contact with others, andm as a result we may feel we don’t have to work at making
connections.
Beliefs that are informed bystereotypes can be so strong thatwe tend to accept them, even about ourselves, and act as though they are true. Thus girls think they are not supposed to be good at math, women believe they are not supposed to do jobs that men have traditionally done, etc. I call this internalized sexism, which has many of the same consequences as internalized racism.
If we think about the different stereotypes ascribed to White women and Black women we can see, developmentally, how White girls and Black girls might process their experiences differently due to gender and race. Black women can take on roles ascribed to them such as nurturing, strong, and aggressive. White women can take on passive, fragile, weak, and powerless roles. We need to consider how these roles and the perceptions of these roles get played out in our interactions with each other. If White women have internalized perceptions of themselves as weak, passive, and powerless, then it must be difficult to identify with the power of White skin privilege.
[...]
Now how do these stereotypes influence our interactions? When in conflict with Black women, White women often take a stance that suggests that they are weak. They cry, they shut down, they act as though they have no power. This was my experience of most of the White women at the conference I mentioned previously, and I have had similar experiences in work situations. Many women of color perceive this behavior as a manipulation that is enacted in the service of deflecting attention away from the power that comes with White women’s skin privilege and their affiliation with powerful White men. Perpetuating the stereotypes of being passive and weak, especially around issues related to racism, allows White women to see themselves as powerless in initiating change and making a difference in society. Black women also buy into the stereotype and underestimate the power of White women. If we remain stuck in these stereotypical representations of each other, we will not be able to effectively utilize our collective strengths or empathize with our respective vulnerabilities.
Facing Prejudice
Given these biases in behavioral interpretation, one might expect that stereotypes would also influence the interpretation of facial affect.Whereas most research involving facial affect has used unambiguously emotional faces (e.g., Ekman, Sorenson, & Friesen, 1969), such facial expressions are rarely observable in everyday interaction (Wehrle & Kaiser, 2000). Instead, people typically decode somewhat ambiguous facial displays requiring at least a modicum of interpretation. Given that stereotypes are quite powerful in ambiguous situations (e.g., Bodenhausen & Macrae, 1998), disambiguating an ambiguous facial display is not only a common occurrence, but also one in which stereotypes may have a potent influence.
The research we report here tested the hypothesis that stereotypes influence perceptions of facial affect. We hypothesized that ambiguously hostile Black faces would be perceived as more hostile than similar White faces, which would be consistent with the cultural stereotype of African Americans as aggressive (Devine, 1989). Although most individuals know the content of this stereotype, high-prejudice individuals are more likely than others to activate and apply such stereotypic content (Lepore & Brown, 1997).
'Crash' Peddles Racial Stereotypes but Forgets About Class
"Crash" has sparked discussions across race lines and now sparkles with Oscar glory, but as an Indian-American, I'm angered that it won Best Picture. Why? Because the film has, in a strange way, reinforced my suspicion that there must be institutional methods for making racial stereotypes acceptable."Crash" declares that all is well in the multicultural America, as all communities share similar misperceptions of each other.
[...]
If mainstream cinemas educate and entertain at the same time, what does "Crash" teach immigrants about their shared histories of conflicts, their experiences of assimilation, acculturation and adaptation in a pluralistic society filled with social tensions?
The affirmations of identities are essential in the movie, but they are achieved through replays of stereotypes. There is a psychological numbing of rebelliousness and an uncanny triumph for conformity. For example, Anthony is the rebel, the film's only potential revolutionary. He epitomizes angry black youth disenchanted by the system. The director even gets him to cite famous Black Panthers to justify his sentiments. He talks about issues of white supremacy and bigotry against blacks.
But what does he do in "real life" in the movie? He steals cars. He abandons a "Chinaman" after running him over with a stolen car. Quite paradoxical considering that he has been shown having a concern over how the poor are treated.
First, director Paul Haggis gets away with a gross portrayal of the ideals that the Black Panthers stood for, but omits their context. The Panthers were not fighting only to reclaim respect in a racist society, they were also demanding a just society based first on economic emancipation. The film gives an impression that the Panthers must have been wrong somehow, without exploring the economic backdrop of their social criticism. Nowhere in the movie is any anger ever directed at capitalism. The intersection between class and race is simply unexplored.
Originally posted by ceci2006
How Do I Talk to You, My White Sister?
Originally posted by Benevolent Heretic
I can deal with people's anger just fine... as long as it's not aimed at me. Especially for something I didn't do. I'm angry about racism, too and I don't blame black people one bit for being angry! They have every right to be angry! But not at me. Which Ceci, you clearly are. You don't throw around the personal, racial insults that you have without being very angry at me, I can only assume because I'm white and you have assigned me one of the stereotypes. Taking your racial anger out on me is highly misdirected. I'm on your side. I actually agree with you about most things. But when I do disagree with you, you break out the racial rage ON ME, which is highly inappropriate.
Originally posted by Benevolent Heretic
Perhaps this article will actually help some women to talk to each other, and if it does, that's great. What I'd like to hear are your (and others') opinions on the piece.
In order to clarify roles and tasks, I asked, “When talking about oppression, how did White women deal with the fact that they were the daughters, lovers, wives, sisters and mothers of the White men that were identified as the oppressors?”
Originally posted by ceci2006
Fine, loam. As long as you accept that there are other people who don't think of it as a load of crap.
Originally posted by ceci2006
Then, you might have to accept that there are people who think you might be saying a load of crap because your cultural experiences are different than theirs.
Originally posted by ceci2006
For me, I could care less if you think what I'm doing is a load of crap.
Originally posted by ceci2006
I care about people actually thinking what has been said and trying to reach for those parallels in their life so we can reach the middle ground.
Originally posted by ceci2006
I'm just standing on the sidelines watching you run your mouth.
Originally posted by ceci2006
How do you know? Have you asked me yet?
Originally posted by ceci2006
And BH: All I can say is that if you were getting angry, you have some racial anger and racism all your own you have to deal with before you try to accuse others of the same thing.
Originally posted by ceci2006
I have a response to prepare to BH because obviously she had to go on and on about my behavior and not solely focus on the article.
Originally posted by ceci2006
Address my comments on diversity. You'll find my answer there.
Originally posted by Benevolent Heretic
..."Sister" piece... It's about black and white women interacting and behaving toward each other.
The Social Generation of Race and Anger
In commenting on racially hostile or unsupportive workplace climates, some focus group participants described general feelings of frustration and anger, while others told of specific incidents that generated these feelings. A common source of anger is white use of racist epithets or similar derogatory references, which can trigger painful individual and collective memories. One black professional described her reaction to an incident with a white administrator:
I have felt, I have felt extremely upset, anger, rage, I guess you would call it? One incident that comes to mind happened in a social setting. I was with some, with my former boss and some coworkers and a man who ran, like, a federal program. And we were having dinner, and he made a comment, and he had been drinking heavily. And he referred to black people as "'n-word's" . . . . I'm sitting-he's there, and I'm here. . . . And as soon as he said it, he looked in my face. And then he turned beet red, you know? [Laughter] And I said, "Excuse me, what did you say?" And he just couldn't say anything. And then my boss, my former boss, intervened and said, "Now, you know, move his glass, because he's had too much to drink." And you know just making all these excuses. So, of course, I got up and left. I said goodnight, and left. And the next morning, the man called me and apologized. . . . His excuse was that he had been drinking, you know. And I said, "Well [gives name], we don't get drunk and just say things that we wouldn't otherwise say. You know, I don't get drunk and start speaking Spanish. [Laughter]. This was already in you, you know, in order for it to come out. [Voices: Exactly. Yeah, yeah. ] . . . . I mean so, keep your apology, I'm not interested.
Similarly, a secretary in the Midwest related an incident in which she had to explain the meaning of an epithet to her supervisor, who subsequently did nothing to reprimand the white employee who used the term:
A white individual in my department was talking to me, and he referred to me as "Buckwheat." My supervisor, when I reported it to her, told me that she did not feel that I looked like Buckwheat. Nor . . . did she understand what the term meant. Then she asked me to define it for her. She felt that [the term] was not derogatory. After I told her what it meant . . . . she said "Well, you don't exemplify that, so I wouldn't worry about that." She also refused to talk to the individual.
A female supervisor in one focus group discussed the link between black rage and unfair promotion practices in workplace settings:
I think a lot of anger and rage comes in when we . . . feel like-like I have a friend, he's been with the company twenty years, and he didn't get a promotion. And he was well over-qualified. They gave it to a [white] guy who had been there only seven [years], and knows nothing. So, of course, I was kinda angry with the process, but it was because he was the ex-boyfriend of the girl who was doing the promoting. So he was upset about it. But I told him, I felt like this: "They can only tell you 'no' so many times. Keep applying for that position."
The anger over mistreatment is more than a matter of what happens to the black person as an individual. Rage over racism is also fueled by what happens to friends and family members. Collective memories of racism against all African Americans, as well as knowledge of specific discriminatory actions against particular friends and relatives, multiply racialized stress for African American individuals.