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United States flag BAYROCK CAPITAL GROUP, LLC (Arizona (US), 15 Sep 2003- , 6735 E GREENWAY #1078 SCOTTSDALE, AZ 85254)
United States flag BAYROCK GROUP L.L.C. (New York (US), 17 Jul 2001- , 160 VARICK ST, 2ND FLR, NEW YORK, NEW YORK, 10013)
United States flag BAYROCK GROUP, INC. (Delaware (US), 10 Jul 2007- )
United States flag branch BAYROCK MANAGEMENT GROUP LLC, THE (California (US), 5 Mar 2014- , 1173 RODEO DRIVE LOS ANGELES CA 90035)
United States flag BAYROCK MGM GROUP INC (Florida (US), 26 May 2017- )
United States flag inactive BAYROCK REALTY GROUP FLORIDA LLC (Florida (US), 13 Jul 2005- )
United States flag BAYROCK REALTY GROUP, INC. (New York (US), 23 Jul 2003- , 223 WOODSIDE DR, HEWLETT, NEW YORK, 11557) Previously/Alternatively known as BAYROCK REALTY GROUP INCORPORATED
United States flag BAYROCK REALTY GROUP, LLC (Massachusetts (US), 8 Aug 2006- , 112 CENTRAL AVENUE # 2, HYDE PARK,, MA, 02136)
United States flag inactive Bayrock Capital Group, LLC (Minnesota (US), 19 Jan 2010- , 210 N 2nd Str #501 Mpls, MN 55401 USA)
United States flag inactive Bayrock Realty Group LLC (New Hampshire (US), 27 Oct 2006- , 19 Michael Dr Danville NH 03819)
United States flag Bayrock Realty Group LLC (New Hampshire (US), 15 Dec 2015- , 17 Chichester Road Derry NH 03038)
United States flag THE BAYROCK MANAGEMENT GROUP LLC (Delaware (US), 28 Jan 2014- ) Trademarks: BAYROCK
During the early FL negotiations, Bayrock was approached by Novator, an Icelandic competitor of FL's, which promised to go into the same partnership with Bayrock as FL was contemplating, and at better terms. Arif and Satter told Kriss this would not be possible because the money behind these companies was mostly Russian and the Russians behind FL were in favor with Putin, but the Russians behind Novator were not, and so they had to deal with FL. Whether or not this was true and what further Russian involvement existed must await disclosure.
Nixon Peabody was also involved with yet another tax fraud. Right after the FL deal closed, the first transaction Bayrock and FL did together as new partners through Bayrock/FL Holdings was to acquire a significant piece of a Florida development project from Michael Samuel. FL put in its 75%, about $25,000,000, and Bayrock put in its 25%, about $8,000,000. Of that $8,000,000, Bayrock contributed $5,000,000 in cash and the little 5% piece of Midtown Miami that started everything years ago, the piece for which Arif had put up the $450,000. Bayrock contributed this to the FL deal and as such would not have realized gain, except in a prearranged side deal arranged by Nixon Peabody. Michael Samuel agreed to take $3,000,000 of the money Bayrock/FL Holdings, or its new sub for the project, paid him and launder it through Sobay and then into Samuel Banyan LLC, where it would go back out to Bayrock as "payment" on that "convertible note" that was really a partnership interest. In other words, a disguised sale again, a transfer of appreciated property (the title interest in Midtown Miami) with a prearranged, related indirect transfer back to Bayrock of $3,000,000 that originated in the transferee Sub partnership. All these side agreements were hidden away out of sight and not in the main deal, just as the lawyer for the CBRE investor had objected to in the FL deal.
But Kriss later discarded some of those claims in amending his lawsuit, and the judge dismissed other allegations. The judge allowed the case to proceed under racketeering laws. Kriss negotiated for months to settle his case against Bayrock and two of its principals, Tevfik Arif and Felix Sater. Terms of the settlement weren’t disclosed in court filings.
Turkish architect Destan Kilic arrived in Sochi in at the beginning of 2013, employed first by the Russian construction firm TransKomStroi and then a Turkish company, Monolith. These companies worked closely with Istanbul-based Sembol, building leisure facilities in Krasnodar Polyana, an 800,000-square-meter site in the hills overlooking the city. Kilic left in February 2014, after arguments with bosses over the treatment of migrant workers. Kilic says that the project relied on high numbers of illegals and deaths were in the hundreds during her time there. "There were a lot of Uzbeks among the dead and unregistered workers," she says. "I would always hear: 'this worker died today on this site'...'somebody fell again'.... 'Something collapsed on a worker.'"
Nothing was ever recorded, because they were unregistered.
She tells of one incident where a worker, without proper equipment, scaling a tall height fell to his death. When the construction company found his body, the staff attached a safety belt to the corpse and then took pictures. They did this, she says, so that they could blame the worker for his own demise.
"Health and safety measures were nonexistent," she says. "There were no safety personnel, as required. In Sochi, companies would just register an engineer as the safety person."
Kilic complained to her bosses. But the disregard for worker welfare came straight from the top. During one dispute, priorities were made clear when she was passed a diktat from Aytekin Gultekin, boss of Sembol Construction. "I was told by management: 'This is war. Everything is permitted,'" Kilic says. "'Those who will die, will die. And those who will be deported will be deported. What is important is completing the job.'"
Kilic also says this brutality extended to Uzbek women in Sochi, hired as cleaners, servers, and kitchen staff. She says sexual assault by management was widespread. "The men forced the women to sleep with them," she adds. "The whole atmosphere was disgusting."
A manager at Sembol, who asked to remain anonymous, confirmed to Theblacksea.eu that the rape and sexual assault of Uzbek women was frequent and conducted with impunity. "It was extremely, extremely common," he says. "Most cases do not go to court because Uzbek women are uneducated villagers working illegally. Management always turns a blind eye."
Potok is a Russian investment and development company with the head-office in Moscow. Its activities include mixed-use development, construction, managing and selling of real estate in Moscow and abroad. The projects, which were previously under the control of the Mirax Group corporation, now are being developed by this brand.
In July 2012, the restructuring of the public debt of the Potok company (ex-MIRAX GROUP) was successfully completed. It took the company one and a half years to prepare this deal together with the debt restructuring agent, OAO Alfa-Bank and a working group of creditors. The restructuring included the exchange of the five existing at the time security issues – three ruble bond issues and two English law note issues – for the new issue of notes (LPN2019) with the face value of RUR14.5 billion. As collateral for this transaction, 8 projects and a personal guarantee of the Potok shareholder Sergei Polonsky were used. For investors who can not own the notes for certain reasons, new ruble bonds worth RUR1 billion were issued.
Because this guy Sergei from Potok, or Mirax Group, had already been building the tallest building in Moscow in the middle of 2011 after he's just announced in March the Mirax Group brand is gone.
Potok operates in the real estate markets of Russia, Ukraine, France, Cambodia, Malaysia, Montenegro, United States, Switzerland and Beetham Tower in United Kingdom. In May 2011, the company's portfolio included several projects with a total area of about ten million sq.m. Potok is the client and developer of the future tallest building in Eastern Europe, business complex Federation Tower, which is currently under construction in the Moscow International Business Center – "Moskva City". In May 2011, Sberbank of Russia allowed a credit of $373.6 mln for the completion of the tower construction.
Polonsky opened an office in Moscow in 2000, after graduating from St. Petersburg State University of Architecture and Civil Engineering. Two years later, Mayor Luzkhov appointed him as an adviser. Polonsky was not yet 30.
Mirax Group In 2004, the Moscow branch of Stroymontazh was renamed "Mirax Group" and in 2006, split from Stroymontazh, the St Petersburg branch, with Polonsky at the head of Mirax and Kirilenko at the head of Stroymontazh. Both men maintained 10% ownership of the other's company until 2009 when they each sold their respective stakes. Mirax carried out projects in Russia, Ukraine, Turkey, Cambodia and the United States. At its peak in the late 2000s, Mirax Group's assets amounted to more than 12 million square meters of real estate, with 2008 revenues estimated at $1.65 billion and net profits of $616.4 million. Some notable projects are outlined below. Moscow's Federation Tower Federation Tower Identified as Moscow's first skyscraper, the Federation Tower when completed will be the tallest building in Europe. The building consists of two towers, the taller one with 93 floors and a height of 1,161 feet, and the other with 63 floors. A 1,470-foot spire will rise between the two, with glass elevators running up its core, offering a panoramic view and entry into the buildings. The towers will have 4.5 million square feet of high-end office space, luxury apartments, shops, restaurants, and a 44-story Grand Hyatt hotel. In 2009, The Federation Tower won the FIABCI World Prix d’Excellence Award (Office Category Winner). Construction of the project stalled in 2008 as a result of the financial crisis, however, it was resumed in August 2011 and was set to be completed in 2015.
The supertall skyscraper Tower East (Vostok) is currently the second tallest skyscraper in Europe and Russia after Lakhta Center, and the 46th-tallest building in the world. Zapad is a shorter skyscraper than Vostok and is the 11th-tallest building in Russia. The complex stands on the 13th lot, which has an area of 439,154 square meters. The project was conceived by German-Russian engineer Sergei Tchoban and German professor and engineer Peter Schweger. The complex was designed by architecture companies nps+partner and Schweger Associated Architects. The complex started construction in 2005, with Zapad completed first in 2008 with a height of 242 meters (794 feet). As a result of the Great Recession, construction of the complex stopped until August 2011, and Vostok was completed in December 7, 2017 with a height of 373,7 meters (1,226 feet). In late 2014, Vostok surpassed the South Tower of OKO, which it is also part of the MIBC, as the tallest skyscraper of Russia and Europe. A spire was to be also built which would have extended the complex's height to 450 meters (1,476 feet) as well as provided an observation deck but it was never completed and was dismantled afterward. The complex is owned by the AEON Corporation, a Russian private international investment group. The complex consists of two towers built on one podium. Tower East is a 97-story structure and Tower West is a 63-story structure.
Meridian Capital Group is a Manhattan-based commercial real estate finance firm founded in 1991 by Ralph Herzka and Aaron Birnbaum. In 2015, Meridian Capital Group did $35 billion in national business, more than two-thirds of it in the Northeast region. It is the second-largest mortgage broker in the United States. In New York, Meridian specializes in multifamily loans. Its rivals include Ackman-Ziff, Cooper-Horowitz, Holliday Fenoglio Fowler, and Singer & Bassuk. Meridian helps real estate investors find sources of financing, ranging from traditional banks to pension funds, hedge funds, insurance firms or wealthy individuals, and is paid a fee for its service. Meridian Capital Group was ranked no. 7 in The Real Deal’s annual investment sales ranking covering 2016.
Sberbank is a state-owned Russian banking and financial services company headquartered in Moscow. The company was known as "Sberbank of Russia" until 2015. Sberbank has operations in several European and post-Soviet countries. As of 2014 it was the largest bank in Russia and Eastern Europe, and the third largest in Europe, ranked 33rd in the world and first in central and Eastern Europe in The Banker's Top 1000 World Banks ranking.
Current Scope of Operations TX Oil Ltd., which is led by Neil Bush, son of President George H. W. Bush, was established in 2010 for the exclusive purpose of pursuing energy contracts with Turkmenistan. In August 2010, it was one of four companies shortlisted by the government of Turkmenistan to submit a proposal for developing offshore Blocks 9 and 20. Bush traveled twice to Turkmenistan in 2010 and met with Berdymukhammedov.
In 2009, Dow Jones reported that Neil was running a Beijing-based real estate company, working with steel maker Shougang Holdings to break into Africa, and representing Chinese oil giant Sinopec Group in its ultimately unsuccessful bid for part of an oil field in Ghana. Neil's business deals in China came under greater scrutiny six years earlier during his messy divorce from Sharon Bush. In one court exchange, Marshall Davis Brown, a lawyer for Ms. Bush, questioned Neil about a $2 million contract he had with China's Grace Semiconductor Manufacturing Corporation to provide the company "from time to time with business strategies and policies; latest information and trends of the related industry, and other expertised advices." In the court transcript, the lawyer implied that the arrangement may have been more about influence peddling than consulting services (Neil was never found to have done anything improper):
Neil, who pointed out that he did have business experience in Asia, explained that he joined Grace's board at the suggestion of Taiwanese businessman Winston Wong, who had previously invested in Neil's educational software start-up, Ignite! When Neil traveled around the world to raise money for the venture, he dismissed the notion that a private dinner with former Chinese President Jiang Zemin and other political leaders had anything to do with the effort. "If I had any meetings with top-level China officials, the word Ignite never came into any conversation," he told the AP.
China's latest online sensation is a Bush, but perhaps surprisingly, it's neither the 41st or the 43rd President of the US. In fact, Neil Bush, the younger brother of 43 and the son of 41 has become an online sensation in China after posting a joke photo on China's version of twitter. Neil Bush was virtually unknown in China a week ago, despite being co-chairman of Beijing-based real estate company, CIIC.
He opened an account on China's vibrant micro-blogging platform, Weibo, back in August 2011 by introducing himself in Chinese, as "the unpolitical member of a very political American family."
Now his microblog has become a hot political topic inside China, after he posted a photo of himself wearing a Communist-style green cap with a red star. Slung across his chest is a bag emblazoned with Chairman Mao's slogan "Serve the People", and he's holding a mug featuring Chairman Mao.
The caption — accompanied by a chuckling face icon — reads, "I'm thinking of joining the Chinese Communist party. What do you think of my accessories?" This picture has been forwarded almost ten thousand times, with more than five thousand comments posted, mostly sarcastic, which is not atypical on China's microblogs. Most of the comments have not been censored or deleted.
NUR-SULTAN -- Police in Kazakhstan have detained several anti-government protesters who staged demonstrations during ceremonies to mark the 74th anniversary of the Allied victory against Nazi Germany in World War II. RFE/RL correspondents witnessed the detention of at least one protester in Nur-Sultan, the capital, and several in Kazakhstan's largest city, Almaty.
Meanwhile, many social-media apps and news websites were inaccessible in Kazakhstan for most of the day on May 9 -- including the website of RFE/RL's Kazakh Service. The developments came a day after the Prosecutor-General's Office called on citizens not to organize or participate in unsanctioned rallies on Victory Day -- warning of 'harsh" punishment for such activities.
Earlier, fugitive former banker Mukhtar Ablyazov, a vocal critic of the Kazakh government who lives in France, called on Kazakhs via the Internet to hold protest demonstrations during the Victory Day celebrations.
Several protests have been held across the country recently, an indication of growing discontent with the political system that has been dominated by 78-year-old former President Nursultan Nazarbaev since before the 1991 Soviet collapse. Nazarbaev retains the title of Leader of the Nation, despite stepping down as president in March. Many of the protests have been focused on the upcoming June 9 snap presidential election, which was scheduled following Nazarbaev's surprise resignation. Opponents, critics, and rights groups say Nazarbaev, who tolerated little dissent, denied many basic rights and prolonged his power in the energy-rich country of 18.7 million by undermining democratic processes. No vote held in the Central Asian country since 1991 has been deemed free and democratic by international observers. Nazarbaev's resignation caught many observers off guard. However, the fact that he continues to lead the ruling party and will also keep his lifetime post as chairman of the influential Security Council, has led many experts to conclude that the resignation was a legal sleight of hand aimed at extending his rule over the country.
On May 9, human rights defenders in Kazakhstan told RFE/RL that about a dozen activists were summoned by police regarding their plans to organize the rallies that were spearheaded by the banned Democratic Choice of Kazakhstan (DVK) movement. The DVK was established by Mukhtar Ablyazov, a fugitive critic of President Nursultan Nazarbaev. Ablyazov told RFE/RL on May 10 that the protests in Astana, Almaty, and several other cities in Kazakhstan, had been organized by him via the Internet. In March, a court in Astana banned the movement, branding it an extremist organization.
Among claims highlighted by The Sunday Times today is that Scottish companies were used to launder cash through a non-governmental organisation run by Kozlovska, to fund a secret lobbying campaign on behalf of two criminal eastern European oligarchs. Veaceslav Platon, a Moldovan businessman, was jailed in 2017 for money-laundering and fraud linked to the disappearance of $1bn (£770m) from Moldova’s banking system a few years earlier. The missing money caused a political crisis in Moldova, one of Europe’s poorest countries, which is squeezed between Ukraine and EU member state Romania. There are claims that Platon has funded Kozlovska, a former student at the University of Wales in Bangor, and Warsaw’s Open Dialogue Foundation (ODF), which claims to promote human rights and the rule of law in Russia and its former Soviet satellite republics.
The Moldovan parliament suggests that another important source of funding for the foundation is Kazakh oligarch Mukhtar Ablyazov, the subject of the biggest fraud case ever heard in the British High Court. Ablyazov went on the run in 2012 after being accused of stealing up to £4bn from the BTA Bank, of which he was chairman. Backed by Royal Bank of Scotland, BTA had to be bailed out by Kazakh taxpayers after its collapse in 2008.
The Moldovan parliament report said: “There are reasonable suspicions that Kariastra Project was involved in money-laundering activities. Through the account held at AS PrivatBank (Latvia) by Kariastra Project, banking transactions worth a total of €5,228,024 and $27,764,388 took place with different companies registered in offshore regions, based on fictitious contracts for the sale and purchase of goods and machinery.”
According to the report, Kariastra Project paid Kramek’s company, Silk Road Bureau of Analysis and Information, which shares the same office as the ODF, a total of £720,378 (made up of $852,828 and €64,785) for computer and IT services in 2014 and 2015.
Silk Road is said to have been paid a further £348,203 ($448,465) by Stoppard Consulting in Edinburgh, for “consulting services” between 2014 and 2016.
The company, registered at a virtual office at Duke Street, Edinburgh, was incorporated in 2010 via offshore companies based in the Seychelles. It is affiliated to companies owned by Platon, including Harwood United, Harrogate Consulting, Rosslyn Trade, Winston Associates (Seychelles), Carberry Investment (Seychelles), Erin Group Corp (Belize) and Maytree Overseas SA (Panama), which was involved in the Panama Papers.
The report said: “The organisation Silk Road Biuro Analiz i Informacji is the recipient of multiple suspicious transfers originating from companies which are among the main recipients of funds stolen from financial institutions in the Republic of Moldova. Between 2014 and 2017, B Kramek, the husband of Lyudmyla Kozlovska, received transfers to the value of $1.2m and €60,000 from an offshore company registered in Scotland, Stoppard, through Silk Road Biuro Analiz i Informacji.” It added: “The basic sources of the ODF’s funding, which have not been declared publicly and transparently, were channelled temporarily through the bank accounts of the Silk Road Biuro Analiz i Informacji organisation.”
The Moldovan parliament report said: “The ODF made Veaceslav Platon a central focus of its activities in an attempt to portray him as a victim and gain support from the international community on the pretext of ‘persecution’ of a political opponent of the government who was taking refuge in Ukraine.”
According to the report, Ukranian-born Kozlovska met Ablyazov in Kiev in their student days and during the Orange revolution of 2004. He disappeared in 2012, after being convicted by London’s High Court of contempt of court. In 2016, a string of luxury London properties owned by him, worth £11m, were auctioned after being seized through the High Court.
The report said: “The ODF positioned itself from the outset as an advocate for the oligarch and spared no time, money or effort in lobbying, in the public domain and also before European institutions, in order to peddle the myth that Ablyazov is not a criminal, fraudster and thief who has stolen billions, but a dissident persecuted by the leaderships of Ukraine, Kazakhstan and Russia, which have issued international warrants for his arrest.”
The organisation, Mycielski said, represented Platon as part of its advocacy work for a period of three to four months.
“Independently of his biography or any crimes he might have committed, his case warranted concern, as he had been extradited from Ukraine with disregard for the rule of law or due process, having unlawfully stripped of his Ukrainian citizenship and being deported overnight to Moldova.”
Mycielski added: “It’s very likely that ODF paid for flights for Platon’s family during the period that we advocated for his case, just as we do regularly for family members of other victims of political persecution, when we invite them to speak at our events or help us raise awareness of human rights violations.”
Regarding the Scottish companies named in the report, Mycielski said: “For obvious confidentiality reasons, the company [Silk Road] does not comment on past or current clients. Having said that, ODF has never received any funds from any Scotland-based company.
“ODF is an international NGO with over 10 years of documented history in human rights and rule of law defence in numerous countries [in Moldova, since only 2016]. It does not, and never did, ‘launder cash’ nor provide ‘secret lobbying campaigns’.
“Our body of work speaks for itself. The advocacy work we do is never directed by anyone’s interest or paid for by anyone. The only motivation for our work are the principles or respect for human rights, rule of law and democracy, or the generally understood European values.”
“Unfortunately for us, while the bulk of limited partnerships relocated their registered offices to other addresses, a number failed to do so and have, in effect, been abandoned at our address. Kariastra Project . . . did actually change its registered office in 2015,” he said.
3. We must also mention that in connection with our activity (and the interest that it evokes), over seven years we have been subjected to various types of inspections (by fiscal services, Social Insurance Institution [ZUS] or the National Labour Inspectorate [Państwowa Inspekcja Pracy]). We have made available all the documents, provided explanations and fulfilled our obligations. Our activity, due to its earlier publicity (due to the mission’s presence on Maidan between 2013 and 2014, the high-profile 2014 case of the transfer of bulletproof vests to Ukraine, the defence of Oleg Sentsov, Nadia Savchenko and a number of other so-called ‘hostages of the Kremlin’; the case of Mukhtar Ablyazov; attacks on the “Ukrainian World’ centre, a conflict with the ‘Change’ party, hateful comments in the Internet), resulted in wide scanning of our actions. As part of the proceedings, we have already dealt with various prosecutors in the country and, at their request, with the Polish Central Anti-Corruption Bureau [ABW] and the Central Investigative Bureau [Centralne Biuro Śledcze]. Yes, we have become accustomed to telephone tapping, but never before have ministers of the Polish government, driven by the agenda of nationalist and anti-Ukrainian militias, have set fiscal control bodies on us or considered our delegalisation. That is why we see it as the beginning of an attack on the civil society.
4. As we have pointed out repeatedly, ODF is financed due to various donations and grants from individuals, companies and institutions both from Poland and abroad. So far, there were no entities belonging to the Open Society Foundations network, or a different type of institution controlled by American philanthropist George Soros among them. At the same time, the Foundation does not conceal that it has collaborated with the International Renaissance Foundation, a Ukrainian civil society development organisation founded by George Soros. The project, implemented jointly with the Renaissance Foundation (and with other partners) in 2014, pertained to trainings for Ukrainian entrepreneurs in connection with Ukraine's signing of an Association Agreement with the EU and the opening of the EU market for Ukraine. Of course, the Foundation also maintained contacts, in various circumstances, with people and organisations associated and financed by the Open Society Foundations or other initiatives associated with George Soros. We also dare say that this applies to a large part of the civil society in Poland and other EU countries as well as in Ukraine. The activity of George Soros and his organisation receives positive assessment.
5. The donations from the Google company, listed in the reports (Google Ireland Ltd.) are connected with the provision of online services under the AdGrants programme to non-governmental organisations; we are one of the beneficiaries of the programme. It allows, among others, the promotion of content created by the Foundation, such as our reports on the cases of Ukrainian hostages of the Kremlin, political refugees, reform of INTERPOL or Ukrainian volunteer battalions participating in the defence of the country against Russian aggression (otherwise censored by the Russian Agency for Supervision of Communications, Information Technology and Media, known as Roskomnadzor). We therefore fully confirm the information provided by a representative of Google on 30 July (in response to the speculation of the adviser to the President of Poland, Professor A. Zybertowicz). The annual value of services rendered, in accordance with the principles of financial reporting, is shown in the reports. On a similar basis, the report includes estimates of the value of access to the premises, given to the ‘Ukrainian World’ centre by the Municipality of Warsaw between 2014 and 2016. This is also an expression of our concern for the transparency of our actions.
We blankly deny the receipt of the alleged ‘Russian money’ and cooperation with Russian arms companies which were labelled ‘sensational sponsors’ of the Foundation, as reported recently, among others, by TVP and the weekly ‘Sieci’. The mysterious Petro Kozlovsky is the brother (not the father) of Lyudmila Kozlovska, the ODF President. He is a Ukrainian businessman from Sevastopol (now residing in the USA); previously, he owned, among others, the industrial complex ‘Mayak’ as well as other companies operating in Sevastopol and Crimea. Petro Kozlovsky also runs business in the telecommunications field (we also have business relations with him). According to the information indicated in the reports, along with the family and a group of friends, he financially supported our activity between 2013-2015. As early as in 2004, he was involved in supporting the Orange Revolution and other Ukrainian initiatives in Crimea. Similarly to many Ukrainian businesses, in 2014, his business was taken over by the Russian occupation authorities. Local Russian media accused him of supporting the banderism, and earlier - the Ukrainian Batkivszczyna party. It should be emphasised that, in the current situation, the Russian authorities, which may wish to discredit our activities, may present any documents indicating that we are financed exclusively from Russian sources. Similarly, Lyudmyla Kozlovska, a former resident of the Crimea, is considered by the Russian authorities to be a Russian citizen. Russian passports were automatically issued by the occupation authorities to many Ukrainian inhabitants of Crimea (also to those who have resided outside the peninsula for years), often without their consent, or even awareness. Meanwhile, Andrey Brovchenko, mentioned by the TVP in the material, and donations from him go back to 2013, i.e. the period before the occupation of Crimea and Sevastopol! As far as we know, he has nothing to do with the Russian armaments factory in St. Petersburg and Severodvinsk. We do not keep in contact with him and we do not know what he is doing at the moment. In all likelihood, Andret Brovchenko, the ODF donor in 2013, is not the same person as the man who manages the aforementioned company in St. Petersburg, and the similarity of surnames is coincidental (as it’s relatively popular). It is sad to note that, in this way, TVP not only, in fact, recognises the occupation of Crimea by Russia legal, but even does it retroactively (sic!).
10. In the context of allegations of our connections with intelligence services: from 15 December 2014, ODF was the holder of a licence from the Ministry of Interior for conducting business activity in the field of trade in certain military or police products (in view of the need to provide bulletproof vests and protective helmets in humanitarian aid to Ukraine; they were also used by our volunteers, observers and journalists of Polish media in the so-called ATO zone). In order to obtain it, we have undergone the process of evaluation, among others, by the police, the ABW and the Military Counterintelligence Service. Members of the ODF governing bodies also underwent specialised training and psychological testing. The verification process ended successfully - ODF received the licence. In this connection, we assume that the aforementioned institutions excluded the existence of ODF’s potential dangerous actions and correlations (with intelligence services or such which go against the Polish national interest/security and public order), which we are accused of by the media involved in the current attack on NGOs and the civil society representatives in Poland which are critical of the government. As a result, the Foundation has successfully passed the police and MIA inspections in the second half of 2016 (that is, under the governance of Law and Justice party). On 12 June 2017, the Foundation lost its licence due to changes in the composition of its governing bodies (resignation of a member of the Management Board entitled to carry out the business activity within the scope of the licence). Due to the change of the situation and no further need for conducting the licenced activities, ODF did not complete the composition of the Management Board in order to retain the licence.
11. We have repeatedly issued statements about the alleged relationships with the Kazakhstani businessman and oppositionist Mukhtar Ablyazov. The unreliable and manipulative article in the weekly ‘Wprost’, frequently referred to by’well-wishers’, ended with a rectification posted under the text on a red background as a result of our lawsuit against the publisher and author. More detailed information is available on the ODF websites and the online portal NGO.pl.Today, it is also well-known that the aforementioned article was based on half-truths and false quotes from some of the speakers and individuals referred to it, as well as dubious quality of the data of local (?) law enforcement agencies/security services which carried out the surveillance of the President of the Management Board of the Foundation Lyudmyla Kozlovska and her social activity in Sevastopol in previous years.
12. Given the broad spectrum and scale of its activities, the Foundation has become a victim of various attacks on the part of the security services of non-democratic states, pro-Russian environments (such as the ‘Change’ party), which accused us of… insulting Vladimir Putin) and nationalist groups, also in the form of hate speech , threats, slander and many others. Our last year’s statement refers to them.
The New York case dates to 2015, when BTA Bank JSC -- once Kazakhstan’s biggest bank -- sued its former chairman, Mukhtar Ablyazov, and the wealthy Khrapunov family, alleging they laundered hundreds of millions of dollars of stolen funds through real-estate deals in Europe and the U.S. To help build its case, BTA hired an investigator, which in turn retained a litigation adviser to provide related information and witnesses. BTA says it didn’t know who was behind that company. As it turns out, the owner was someone whose name has cropped up in various legal filings and investigations in recent years -- Felix Sater, a former business partner of Donald Trump.
KARIASTRA PROJECT LP
18 February 2013 (about 6 years ago)
272 Bath Street
01 Oct 2018 Firm name changed from cascadant resources LP. LIMITED PARTNERSHIP has been dissolved.
Certificate of change of name of a Limited Partnership
As reported by The Guardian and other international newspapers, much of the attention focuses on the Estonian branch of Danske Bank as the conduit for massive payments, but as previously discovered by Italian investigative journalists and reported by LSM, one Latvian bank is also alleged to have been involved in making a payment of 220,000 euros to Italian politician Luca Volonte via a familiar scheme involving a Marshall Islands registered offshore company that also appeared to have a Latvian connection and address.
...Here the Latvian connection gets stronger as Forotex was registered by another person with a Latvian-style name, one Dmitrijs Krasko of Riga.
Krasko in turn is director of Corporate Management and Consulting Limited, which shares a single postcode with more than 600 other companies, strongly suggesting a business registration service.
His involvement in the world of company creation and offshoring is backed up by this blog post which traces many of the Latvian links to such schemes.
The wrinkle is that Sater is a former associate of the Khrapunovs who worked on the disputed deals with the family before falling out with them, according to filings in the matter. In that capacity, Sater is a key witness for BTA. The judge in the case is now questioning whether payments Sater’s company received from the bank, via a third party, will impact his objectivity. Sater’s firm, Litco LLC, got $2.5 million over several years, court records show. The previously secret arrangement was accidentally exposed by a third party last year and confirmed by Sater himself in a September deposition, triggering claims by the Khrapunovs’ lawyer that BTA broke the law by paying a fact witness.
Sater, a Russian-born U.S. citizen who twice pleaded guilty to felonies in the 1990s, isn’t a party to the agreement, which was between Litco and BTA’s corporate intelligence firm, Arcanum. In addition to the monthly payments, Litco was guaranteed 16 percent of recovered assets.
Disclosure of the deal is the latest twist in a sprawling legal war waged on three continents between BTA and Ablyazov, his family and associates. Since its $12 billion bankruptcy in 2009, the Almaty-based bank has employed an army of investigators to hunt for missing assets, with Ablyazov and his allies countering each move with their own legal action. BTA and another plaintiff in the case, the city of Almaty, say they didn’t know Sater was behind Litco, though Sater said in September that he met repeatedly with the bank’s lawyers “to discuss facts relevant to this case as a representative of Litco.” The agreement says that no witnesses provided under the deal “shall have an ownership interest in Litco.”
“Neither BTA Bank nor the city of Almaty did anything remotely wrong, and neither of them had any idea about Litco’s true owner,” Matthew L. Schwartz, BTA’s lawyer, said in a statement. “Mukhtar Ablyazov, Ilyas Khrapunov and the other defendants are trying to distract attention” from allegations in the case.
Ablyazov and Khrapunov deny stealing money and say they’re being targeted in retaliation for supporting opponents to Kazakhstan President Nursultan Nazarbayev.
Sater, who cooperated with U.S. investigations into the mob’s role on Wall Street years ago and has provided intelligence in government terror probes, has known Khrapunov and his son, Ilyas, for about 15 years, court records show. Ilyas Khrapunov is accused of aiding his father and Ablyazov by arranging the real-estate deals at the center of the suit through a Swiss company he set up, Triadou SPV SA. Alex Hassid, Triadou’s lawyer, declined to comment.
In the unfinished September deposition, Sater testified that he met Khrapunov dozens of times and worked on oil-drilling and coal-mining deals. Sater said Khrapunov asked him to start working with his son as Ilyas was getting started in real-estate investing. But he clashed with the family in 2013 over a U.S. deal that generated tens of millions of dollars, according to court papers.
Sater, in a statement, denied BTA’s “baseless allegations." He contends the bank owes money to a small company he founded that was hired by BTA to help recover assets in the case. The lawsuit is “a sleazy attempt to avoid paying millions of dollars contractually owed to my asset-recovery company,” Sater said, adding that his company’s agreement with BTA released him from liability “for exactly what they are falsely alleging in this lawsuit.”
Sater has twice pleaded guilty to felonies and cooperated with U.S. prosecutors in unrelated investigations. He also assisted BTA in its lawsuit against the Khrapunovs, but fell out with the bank after Sater was revealed to be the owner of Litco LLC, the small litigation-consulting firm that the bank had hired to help gather evidence and witnesses in the lawsuit. The judge in the case is reviewing allegations that BTA, which paid Sater’s firm $2.5 million for its work, violated the law by paying a key witness.
Practicing more than 30 years, his primary areas of practice are white collar criminal defense, securities litigation, government investigations, global intelligence, crisis management, complex business and real estate litigation. His vast litigation experience is much broader and includes representing corporations and individuals in all stages of federal and state civil and criminal proceedings, in addition to regulatory enforcement proceedings and arbitrations. Robert is named in the 2012, 2013, 2014, 2015 and 2016 editions of New York Super Lawyers for White Collar Criminal Defense Litigation. He is also rated AV Preeminent by Martindale-Hubbell, recognized by his peers for the highest level of legal abilities and professional ethical standards. Robert regularly represents clients nationwide in significant white collar criminal prosecutions, SEC enforcement actions and complex litigation. He tries cases in federal and state courts throughout the country and handles complex international litigations and global intelligence countries and other foreign jurisdictions. High-profile clients subject to unfavorable press or otherwise targeted by the media look to Robert for his extensive experience in crisis management and a well-earned, media-savvy reputation. These clients include high-net-worth individuals, financial industry professionals, major real estate developers, celebrities and major corporations worldwide. Recognized as the first American attorney to be permitted into a Russian prison in an actual case, Robert represented a U.S. citizen charged with fraud and money laundering in connection with one of the first joint criminal prosecutions between the United States and the Russian Federation. He is frequently quoted in various publications, including The New York Times, the Wall Street Journal, Bloomberg News and Reuters, and has appeared often as a legal analyst on television and radio.
One source close to the original sale said Kazatomprom officials facilitated and promoted the transaction with Jeffcott, which gave UrAsia confidence in the deal. "The government encouraged us," said the industry source, who spoke on condition of anonymity. In addition to the Kyzylkum asset, UrAsia paid $350-million in 2005 for 70-per-cent stakes in the South Inkai and Akdala uranium mines. The seller of those assets has been identified as Mukhtar Ablyazov, a Kazakh oligarch with banking and real estate interests who fled the country after falling out of favour with the Nazarbayev regime.
Mr. Ablyazov is a longtime political opponent of Nursultan Nazarbayev, Kazakhstan’s authoritarian president, and he fled Kazakhstan for London just days before the government took over BTA this February, fearing a government crackdown.
“BTA was one of the least transparent banks here, and there were a whole bunch of transactions prior to the seizure that indicated extremely lax banking,” said Michael Carter, the chief executive of Visor Capital, an investment bank based in Kazakhstan. “But Kazakhstan was very sexy at the time, and foreign banks were just shoveling in money, so much so that that banks here had more money than they knew what to do with.” Mr. Ablyazov, 46, a small, energetic man who made his first fortune importing cars from Lithuania, maintains that the loans that BTA made were legitimate. He claims that the $9 billion charge against profits that the bank declared after he left — as well as the government takeover of the bank — represent the final stage of a plot by President Nazarbayev to wrest BTA from him. “We have been a profitable and transparent bank, with $538 million in profits in 2007,” said Mr. Ablyazov in an interview through an interpreter in London.
Only organisations funded by George Soros participated in a controversial meeting on Poland and Hungary in the German Bundestag, according to reports in the Polish media. The ‘In Politics’ website claims the meeting was attended by the Hungarian Helsinki Committee, Human Rights Watch and the Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights, all of which have received funding in recent years from George Soros and his Open Society Foundation.
Only organisations funded by George Soros participated in a controversial meeting on Poland and Hungary in the German Bundestag, according to reports in the Polish media. The ‘In Politics’ website claims the meeting was attended by the Hungarian Helsinki Committee, Human Rights Watch and the Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights, all of which have received funding in recent years from George Soros and his Open Society Foundation.