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originally posted by: AndyFromMichigan
a reply to: Propagandalf
That's the real Third World Banana Republic sh!t. That's the sort of antics you expect to hear from some place like Venezuela or Nigeria, the president using the intelligence complex against his opponents.
originally posted by: Propagandalf
The real scandal is that the FBI, without any incriminating evidence to justify opening a criminal investigation of the Trump campaign, opened a counterintelligence investigation, "Crossfire Hurricane". With a nod from the Obama White House, they took the powers that enable our government to spy on foreign adversaries and used them to spy on Americans, who just happened to be their political opponents.
originally posted by: AndyFromMichigan
a reply to: Propagandalf
That's the real Third World Banana Republic sh!t. That's the sort of antics you expect to hear from some place like Venezuela or Nigeria, the president using the intelligence complex against his opponents.
originally posted by: Propagandalf
a reply to: Grambler
Worse, it looks like it was all set up by British Intelligence. Trump needs to declassify.
While Comey dodged questions pertaining to the ongoing Russia investigation that special counsel Robert Mueller now oversees, he did provide new insight into the origins of the probe, according to a transcript of his Friday appearance that was released Saturday. Comey said the FBI's counterintelligence investigation into potential ties between the Trump campaign and Russia originated with four Americans who were thought to be potentially helping the Kremlin in its efforts to interfere in the 2016 election. Comey didn't identify the Americans, explaining to lawmakers the individuals had not been named by the FBI publicly. But he said they were "four Americans who had some connection to Mr. Trump during the summer of 2016" and were tied to "the Russian interference effort."
The so-called dossier formed only a smart part of the evidence used to meet the legal burden of establishing "probable cause" that Page was an agent of Russia. The released documents contain dozens of pages that are entirely blacked out. People who have read them, including Rep. Adam Schiff, the ranking Democrat on the House Intelligence Committee, say they contain secret evidence establishing ties between Page and Russians — evidence that goes beyond what was included in the dossier compiled by Christopher Steele.
Frank Figliuzzi, the former FBI counterintelligence chief who is now an NBC News contributor, says that likely includes reporting from human sources and intercepted communications. Page, it should be said, denies that he was an agent of Russia and has not been charged with a crime.
National security experts who have reviewed the document say that even the parts that aren't blacked out contain more than enough information to provide a judge reason to rule that the FBI had probable cause to believe that Page was an agent of Russia. Probable cause is much lower than the reasonable doubt the standard required to convict someone of a crime.
"It's the probability of a possibility," said William Banks, director of the Institute for National Security and Counterterrorism at Syracuse University College of Law. Page had already appeared on the FBI's radar as a target of Russian intelligence recruitment in a separate spy case. He has acknowledged that he traveled to Moscow and met with Russian officials during the 2016 campaign. It would have been malpractice for the FBI, confronted with allegations that Page was helping the Russians, not to investigate, Figliuzzi says.
The Nunes memo does not say Steele’s dossier was the only piece of information used to establish probable cause that Page was acting as a foreign agent. Indeed, when FBI agents submit a FISA application to the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court, they use information from multiple sources, according to current and former FBI officials. What’s more, the same information is not used over and over to extend surveillance under FISA. Instead, every 90 days, the FBI, as a matter of practice, shows evidence to the court that agents are obtaining foreign intelligence information through the surveillance that is in line with the initial FISA application.
Among other things, and contrary to the claims by House Intelligence Committee Chairman Devin Nunes, the government did indeed apprise the FISA Court of the provenance of the “Steele dossier” (and former spy Christopher Steele’s possible bias); it offered additional evidence to support its conclusion that the key claims in the dossier were at least “credible;” and there appears to have been at least some other evidence besides the dossier offered in support of the government’s claim that there was “probable cause” to believe that Page was acting as an agent of a foreign power.
One of the court filings last week one said that Trump directed his lawyer, Michael Cohen, to violate campaign finance laws for the payoffs to Stormy Daniels and Karen McDougal. But Trump says it was a simple private transaction. Can that be a private transaction?
Well, something can be a private transaction and still be a violation of campaign finance laws. So, for example, if I was a candidate for office and someone agreed to spend $2 million promoting me in advance of a campaign or providing me a private jet or something like that, if it was done for purposes of carrying forward my campaign, I would need to report it. The main issue here is the reporting of that transaction and whether or not it was properly disclosed to the public through the FEC.
But while there is such thing as a trivial campaign finance violation — and there are scores of them every year — that doesn’t mean every campaign finance violation is a small matter. Both because of the coverup that Trump waged over the payment and its potential effect, this is no trifling matter.
Let’s start with the coverup. Trump and his White House have spent nearly half of his presidency hiding this “simple private transaction” — and his role in it — from public view. When it was first reported, they denied Trump’s sexual relationship with Daniels and seemed to deny the payment, too, calling it “old, recycled reports, which were published and strongly denied prior to the election.” White House press secretary Sarah Sanders said in March that Trump had “made very well clear that none of these allegations are true.” Trump himself flatly denied that he knew about the payment, saying “no” when asked that question. When asked where the money came from, he said, “I don’t know.”
Federal prosecutors now say Trump knew about the whole thing from the jump, saying in its filing Friday that Cohen “acted in coordination with and at the direction of [Trump].”
Trump argues that this was just a personal matter, and that it wasn’t even related to the election. If so, it wouldn’t be a campaign finance violation. But Cohen now says it was, and prosecutors agree. This was a crime that was covered up, implicates the president, and could theoretically have changed the result of the election.
Trump may never pay a legal or political price for it, but it’s entirely possible that this “small private transaction” had a huge effect on the course of the U.S. presidency — much bigger, in fact, than the Watergate break-in did (at least before it forced Richard Nixon’s resignation). And Trump seemed quite concerned about making sure voters would never know about this potentially influential transaction.
The so-called dossier formed only a smart part of the evidence used to meet the legal burden of establishing "probable cause" that Page was an agent of Russia. The released documents contain dozens of pages that are entirely blacked out. People who have read them, including Rep. Adam Schiff, the ranking Democrat on the House Intelligence Committee, say they contain secret evidence establishing ties between Page and Russians — evidence that goes beyond what was included in the dossier compiled by Christopher Steele.