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(3) If EMIN AGALAROV "messages Don Jr. constantly" and is a good friend of his, he didn't send his agent VESELNITSKAYA to Don with nothing.
Emin, however, maintained contact with the Trumps, even playing a concert at a Trump golf course, according to Forbes. On Emin's 35th birthday, Trump sent the singer a video message, calling him a “winner” and “a champ.” The feeling is apparently mutual. In a recent interview with The Chicago Tribune, Agalarov called Trump “a super-successful businessman” who has an advantage over other world leaders because “he actually ran a huge corporation.”
Natalia Veselnitskaya is a Russian attorney who has represented several state-owned Russian businesses, according to the Times. In 2003, she launched her own law firm, Kamerton Consulting. Her clients have included Denis Katsyv, the President of Russian company Prevezon Holdings and the son of Pyotr Katsyv, who has served as Moscow's Regional Transport Minister.
Veselnitskaya is a leading opponent of the Magnitsky Act, which the U.S. Congress passed in 2012. The law was named after Sergei Magnitsky, who was arrested in Russia after accusing officials of $230 million in tax fraud. He was reportedly beaten and not provided with proper medical treatment before dying in prison in 2009. The law imposes sanctions on anyone implicated in his torture.
In May 2017, Prevezon Holdings, Katsyv's company, agreed to pay $6 million in a settlement with the Department of Justice over a money laundering lawsuit related to the scheme Magnitsky tried to bring to light.
What to Know About the Russian Lawyer Who Met With Donald Trump, Jr.
In May, the Department of Justice (DOJ) [AG Sessions] settled United States v. Prevezon Holdings Ltd., a $230 million fraud and money laundering case that accused Prevezon Holdings executives of fraudulently obtaining a tax refund from the Russian treasury.
In the case, Prevezon was represented by Natalia Veselnitskaya, the Russian attorney who met with Trump Jr. during the campaign after promising incriminating information on Hillary Clinton.
"Ms. Veselnitskaya told one Russian news outlet that the penalty was so light 'it seemed almost an apology from the government.' "
The meeting itself, with a Kremlin-connected lawyer, occurred on June 9. Jared Kushner, Trump’s son-in-law, and Paul Manafort, Trump’s campaign chair, were also in attendance.
Five days later, The Washington Post broke the news that the Democratic National Committee had been the victim of a massive, months-long cyberattack, including the theft of its Trump opposition research file.
The next day, in the leadership offices of the Capitol, House Speaker Paul Ryan and his top lieutenants had the following, secretly recorded exchange with one another.
The emails largely support Trump Jr.’s and Veselnitskaya’s version of events. Trump said the meeting proved disappointing. In July of this year, after reports of the meeting first emerged, Trump said that Ms. Veselnitskaya “stated that she had information that individuals connected to Russia were funding the Democratic National Committee and supporting Clinton,” but “it quickly became clear that she had no meaningful information.” Trump said he cut the meeting short after Veselnitskaya started talking about the Magnitsky Act.
The meeting is now being probed by Special Counsel Robert Mueller, who is investigating whether associates of Mr. Trump colluded with Moscow as part of his probe into Russia’s alleged interference in the 2016 U.S. election, according to people familiar with the matter.
The emails represent a blow to Special Counsel Robert Mueller, who’s been aggressively investigating the meeting between Trump Jr. and Veselnitskaya. While Trump Jr. is still exposed for his infamous “if it’s what you say it is then I love it” comment made in response to publicist Ronald Goldstone’s claim that Veselnitskaya had damaging information about Clinton – the pretext for setting the meeting – all of the leaks have so far supported Trump Jr.’s version of events: Namely, that Veselnitskaya did not provide Trump Jr. with the “opposition research” he had been seeking.
Near the center of the current furor over Donald Trump Jr.’s meeting with a Russian lawyer in June 2016 is a documentary that almost no one in the West has been allowed to see, a film that flips the script on the story of the late Sergei Magnitsky and his employer, hedge-fund operator William Browder.
The Russian lawyer, Natalie Veselnitskaya, who met with Trump Jr. and other advisers to Donald Trump Sr.’s campaign, represented a company that had run afoul of a U.S. investigation into money-laundering allegedly connected to the Magnitsky case and his death in a Russian prison in 2009. His death sparked a campaign spearheaded by Browder, who used his wealth and clout to lobby the U.S. Congress in 2012 to enact the Magnitsky Act to punish alleged human rights abusers in Russia. The law became what might be called the first shot in the New Cold War.
According to Browder’s narrative, companies ostensibly under his control had been hijacked by corrupt Russian officials in furtherance of a $230 million tax-fraud scheme; he then dispatched his “lawyer” Magnitsky to investigate and – after supposedly uncovering evidence of the fraud – Magnitsky blew the whistle only to be arrested by the same corrupt officials who then had him locked up in prison where he died of heart failure from physical abuse.
Despite Russian denials – and the “dog ate my homework” quality of Browder’s self-serving narrative – the dramatic tale became a cause celebre in the West. The story eventually attracted the attention of Russian filmmaker Andrei Nekrasov, a known critic of President Vladimir Putin. Nekrasov decided to produce a docu-drama that would present Browder’s narrative to a wider public. Nekrasov even said he hoped that he might recruit Browder as the narrator of the tale.
However, the project took an unexpected turn when Nekrasov’s research kept turning up contradictions to Browder’s storyline, which began to look more and more like a corporate cover story. Nekrasov discovered that a woman working in Browder’s company was the actual whistleblower and that Magnitsky – rather than a crusading lawyer – was an accountant who was implicated in the scheme.
So, the planned docudrama suddenly was transformed into a documentary with a dramatic reversal as Nekrasov struggles with what he knows will be a dangerous decision to confront Browder with what appear to be deceptions. In the film, you see Browder go from a friendly collaborator into an angry adversary who tries to bully Nekrasov into backing down.