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By 1996, Haitians were scratching their heads in bewilderment, asking themselves Why has America come to save us? Who will save us now? Ten years later, by almost every measure, Haiti was worse off than it was before Clinton had “rescued” it from the illegitimate regime of General Raoul Cedras and his gang of terrorist enforcers, known by the acronym FRAPH.
The Clintons’ high-profile interest in Haiti dates back almost all the way to their wedding in 1975. Shortly after their honeymoon in Acapulco, Bill and Hillary Clinton received an invitation from David Edwards — a friend and Citibank executive — to accompany him to Haiti.
The island’s deeply flawed elections — held last August and October, backed by over $33 million in US funding — triggered massive political unrest this past January.
They are the direct cause of murder and destruction.
The entire government that is run by the Clinton's is utterly corrupt and serves the Clinton's and their friends.
Do you want the USA to look like this?
They do not care about human life.
If you have any human empathy at all, then please, vote for anyone other than Hillary.
The company was allowed to continue its work with the agency despite the fraud, and remains one of USAID's top contractors.
Louis Berger and other top firms have relied on a lobbying firm founded by John Podesta, the man who now chairs Clinton's campaign, to fight reforms that would have cut back on contracts to big development players like itself.
The Podesta Group lobbies for the Council of International Development Companies, of which Louis Berger is a member. But Podesta's ties to businesses, like Louis Berger, that continued to win lucrative State Department contracts under Clinton despite records of failure have raised additional questions about the way political influence was used to enrich well-connected companies during Clinton's tenure.
Among the CIDC companies is Chemonics International, a Washington-based development company, has long been a preferred USAID contractor.
Dozens of interviews, court and corporate documents and hundreds of Federal documents obtained through the Freedom of Information Act provide the following details about how Erly used an obscure Government program to corner a valuable market:
It is understandable that A.I.D. came to mind. Chemonics International, one of the few profitable subsidiaries of Erly Industries, relies on agency contracts for more than 98 percent of its revenues. On the Aqaba project, Mr. Murphy said, Chemonics knew the right person to see.
"I don't have any problems with that," said Mr. Murphy, a conservative Republican who claims friendship with former President Ronald Reagan and other Republican stalwarts.
But, according to Mr. Murphy, Jordanians were involved in the Aqaba project only because Jordanian law required it -- and because his partner, Wafai Dajani, brother of a former Jordanian Cabinet minister, had "useful" connections. Other Exporters Barred In return for serving as Comet's agent in Jordan, Mr. Dajani and his relatives got consulting fees and a share of the profits. He also invested in the project.
In this spirit, USAID awarded a contract worth $153 million over three years to the Washington, D.C.-based Chemonics International Inc. The company’s job: provide the information and infrastructure to ensure food security and improve the lives of Afghanistan’s farmers. The program was dubbed Rebuilding Agricultural Markets Program (RAMP). Highly paid experts were flown in to consult. Chemonics worked with 40 NGOs and dozens of subcontractors. In Parwan province, near Kabul, the brain trust envisioned a farmers’ cooperative. Chemonics, along with a French NGO called ACTED, built grain storage silos and greenhouses and invented fruit-drying machinery to preserve perishable produce. Built only two years ago, today these structures sit along a lonely road, looking like war casualties or abandoned children’s playthings. All had collapsed or disintegrated during their first Afghan winter, before the farmers had ever used them. The farmers are not heartbroken; they say they would never have used these flimsy storage solutions for their crops anyway because their fruits, grains, and vegetables would have been easy prey for thieves.
According to the The Center for Public Integrity, 90 percent of Chemonics’ income is from taxpayer money funneled through USAID. Chemonics’ controlling owner, Scott Spangler, served as a senior USAID director under the first President Bush. Between 1990 and 2003, Spangler and his wife gave about $100,000 to the Republican Party. The Center’s profile of the firm includes details on Chemonics’ spotty past: In September 1997, the company received a $26 million five-year USAID contract to promote democracy in local government in Poland. During the first year of the project, Management Systems International, independent evaluators hired by USAID, called it poorly designed, and criticized Chemonics for not hiring locals and instead hiring too many consultants who hadn’t worked in Poland before. “The returns [on] cost of the first year, $7.3 million, are very difficult to show,” said Management Systems’ report for USAID. “Polish counterparts were able to see that the quality was low and resented, justifiably, that [the foreign] experts were being paid large salaries and were producing little.