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Through these proceedings, NML has sought no more than to obtain discovery calculated to identify and trace assets potentially available to satisfy its judgments against the Republic of Argentina. For reasons which are by now familiar to the Court, the trail of evidence led NML to a number of Nevada shell corporations, as well as a Nevada corporate services provider operated by Mossack Fonseca.
Throughout these proceedings, NML has had doubts about the veracity of the arguments advanced by MF Nevada and Mossack Fonseca in opposition to NML’s alter ego allegations. But it was not until the release in early April of two documents from what have become known as the “Panama Papers” that the extent of MF Nevada and Mossack Fonseca’s obstruction became clear. Those two documents show that MF Nevada and Mossack Fonseca actively engaged in the concealment and destruction of evidence responsive to NML’s subpoena, and that MF Nevada and Mossack Fonseca knowingly proffered false evidence to the Court.
Specifically, [redacted] emails confirm that Mossack Fonseca and MF Nevada submitted false declarations in support of their papers before the Court. These emails show that MF Nevada was no mere “independent service provider” as Ms. Amunategui stated in her declaration. Instead, MF Nevada was so inextricably intertwined with Mossack Fonseca that Mossack Fonseca had to go to significant lengths to cover its tracks by artificially distancing itself from MF Nevada—including [redacted]
The Supreme Court affirmed. Writing for the Court, Justice Scalia held that the FSIA does not immunize foreign sovereigns against discovery orders in post judgment execution proceedings, and thus ordinary discovery rules apply. Assuming without deciding that the discovery NML had requested was within the scope of discovery ordinarily authorized by federal procedural rules, the Court focused on the narrow question of “whether the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act specifies a different rule when the judgment debtor is a foreign state.”
NML in response has launched an extraordinary effort to attach Argentine assets both in the United States and around the world through lawsuits in U.S. and foreign courts respectively. These attempts have even included the dramatic temporary seizure of an Argentine naval vessel in Ghana and failed plans to seize Argentina’s presidential plane.
After two investigations in April, the office of Nevada Secretary of State Barbara Cegavske fined the firm $10,000 on May 20, the maximum allowed under Nevada law.
M.F. Corporate Services (Nevada) Limited's decision to step away from its registered agent role for 1,024 companies was announced Monday on the secretary of state's website.
In an interview, Nevada Deputy Secretary of State Gail Anderson said M.F. Corporate Services (Nevada) failed to maintain a name and address of a contact person for all of the shell companies it administered in the state.
The Impact of the Economic Hit man Continues
Perkins would continue to be haunted by the impact of economic hitmen even as he started his own company (a company that committed to producing environmentally friendly electricity), did special consulting for MAIN and other corporations, and became involved with nonprofit organizations and their efforts to work with and help indigenous people in Latin America.
In 1981, Perkins became deeply disturbed by the death of his friend and the leader of Panama, Omar Torrijos. Perkins believes that his friend Torrijos' death in a plane crash was a CIA assassination because of his positions on the Panama Canal (Torrijos had achieved his goal of taking back the Canal) and his unwillingness to cooperate with American corporations.
Torrijos was replaced by Manuel Noriega, who "became a symbol of corruption and decadence." Eventually, in 1989, the United States attacked Panama. The reigns of power were returned to the pre-Torrijos oligarchy, which had served as U.S. puppets from the time when Panama was torn from Columbia until Torrijos took over.
Government officials said the Panamanian's relationship with the United States did not intensify until the 1970's, when Mr. Noriega became his country's intelligence chief. In 1976, when Mr. Bush became Director of Central Intelligence, their paths crossed for the first of several times. As head of the C.I.A., Mr. Bush learned that Mr. Noriega had penetrated an American intelligence operation in Panama, the function of which was, in part, to eavesdrop electronically on Panamanian communications.
On one level, this was simply a case of spy vs. spy: The C.I.A. was spying on Mr. Noriega's country, and he was spying back. But because the Panamanian was bribing American soldiers, the case raised troubling questions for American intelligence agencies about the American relationship with Mr. Noriega, and the matter landed on Mr. Bush's desk early in his one-year tenure at the C.I.A.
A career officer who rose through the intelligence services, Noriega for years was rumored to be both an agent of the CIA and a conspirator with international drug traffickers. Since 1983, he had exercised the real power in Panama, with a succession of civilian presidents serving as figure-heads.
With its canal, huge U.S. military installations and facilities for intelligence-gathering, Panama was one of the most important countries in the world, from Washington's perspective. But Panamanians often charged that the U.S. government took them for granted.
Panama's existing crisis began in June 1987 when Col. Roberto Diaz Herrera, after being forced to retire as Noriega's second-in-command, went public with several charges. The most sensational were that Noriega had engineered the 1984 presidential elections and had directed the 1985 slaying of opposition leader Hugo Spadafora.
CARSON CITY — Nevada Secretary of State Barbara Cegavske responded Friday to a request from a U.S. senator for information about the state’s oversight of companies tied to the Panama Papers, noting that law enforcement officials have not once asked for records in the past three years.
“I have become increasingly concerned about the use of anonymous shell companies as vehicles for terrorist financing, tax evasion, and fraud targeting major government programs within the committee’s jurisdiction, such as Medicare,” Wyden wrote to Cegavske.
Wyden has asked how many times Cegavske’s office has demanded a list of “beneficial owners” of any entity registered in Nevada suspected of illegal activities.
Cegavske responded that a law enforcement agency can make that request but that none have done so in the past three years.
“The Secretary of State does not have the authority to investigate illegal activities such as money laundering or tax evasion, and does not therefore demand ownership information for investigations of this nature, except as requested by a law enforcement agency,” Cegavske said in her response.
"Cegavske responded that a law enforcement agency can make that request but that none have done so in the past three years.
“The Secretary of State does not have the authority to investigate illegal activities such as money laundering or tax evasion, and does not therefore demand ownership information for investigations of this nature, except as requested by a law enforcement agency,” Cegavske said in her response"
www.reviewjournal.com...]Nevada official responds to request for information on companies tied to Panama Papers
originally posted by: jadedANDcynical
What to make of all of this?
originally posted by: xuenchen
a reply to: burntheships
Intrigue and mystery surrounding the Waffen SS and the CIA !!!!
Big money and online scrubbing too.
Before Syria fell into a civil war, Mr. Machluf, head of the Syrian telecommunications giant Syriatel, accumulated a fortune worth an estimated $5 billion. It was accrued with the energetic support of the Assad clan.
Staff at the U.S. Embassy in Damascus described his methods.
“Machluf used government institutions to get rid of competitors, to win contracts and to milk the cows,” they reported in a January 2008 dispatch to Washington. The diplomats advised imposing sanctions on Mr. Machluf.
What they did not know was the Mr. Machluf had long since prepared for this moment.
He owns an offshore company, and he used it to bring a portion of his fortune to safety. It is called Drex Technologies and it is listed in the Register of Companies in the British Virgin Islands. The “registered agent,” the official representative of Drex Technologies, is recorded as Mossack Fonseca, a law firm in Panama.
From: Ford, Robert S
Sent: Thursday, June 16, 2011 01:43 PM
Subject: RE: Feridun
Just heard Rami Makhlouf held a press conference, said he's leaving business world, donating portion of Syriatel profits
to low-income Syrians and doesn't want to be burden on Asad.
No, not kidding.
A sale of equipment to Syriatel would require both an OFAC and a BIS license. OFAC has a paper-based application process currently (submissions by fax or mail), and review time varies.
It started with cellphones. In 1998, the regime approached Farid Ghadry, a Syrian-American businessman in Maryland, to ask him to bid on the first private telecom license. "Knowing the system, I knew I had zero chance of getting it," recalled Ghadry, who has since started an opposition party.
Sure enough, in 2000, the Ba'ath party granted a cell monopoly to Bashar's mother, Anisa Makhlouf. Over time, it went to his cousin, Rami Makhlouf, who became the owner of Syriatel, the country's largest telecom.
In the “Operation Car Wash” case in Brazil, prosecutors allege that Mossack Fonseca employees destroyed and hid documents to mask the law firm’s involvement in money laundering. A police document says that, in one instance, an employee of the firm’s Brazil branch sent an email instructing co-workers to hide records involving a client who may have been the target of a police investigation: “Do not leave anything. I will save them in my car or at my house.”
Open Society Foundations is a George Soros managed foundation that is used for all sorts of sovereign manipulations such as acting as controlling media, and impacting political elections. And USAID is long believed to be a front for the Central Intelligence Agency, and the many NGO's they control